DRUM
The Drum, Spring 1982 Volume 12, Number 1
Editorial, Circulation and
Advertising Offices Located at 115 New Africa House University of Massachusetts Amherst, Mass. 01003 1-413-545-0768
Address all Letters, Poems and Contributions to the above address
Copyright by Drum 115 New Africa House Printing: Gazette Printing Co., Inc. Northampton, Mass.
The staff of DRUM would like to especially thank Mr. Walter Saunders of Design and Production Service, AFRIK-AM and Commuter Collective for their valuable assistance in the creation of this issue.
The literary journal staff extends its aesthetic gratitude to the National Con- ference of Artist, AFRICOBRA and the International Black Photographers.
This annual issue of DRUM is dedicated in spirit and memory to Bob Mar- ley, Hoyte Fuller, Thelonius Sphere Monk, Larry Neal and now John Kendrick.
One of the art forms they took from us when we came to this strange land was the drum. Here in Amherst we got our DRUM back after great struggle 12 years ago. We are learning how to remember the correct rhythms and we've got it right now. Check us out and let us know if you hear us for we are constantly in danger of again losing our DRUM.
Front Cover: Mitchell Caton Calvin Jones
Builders of the Culturac Present 1981 22' X 45'
Back Cover: Reginald Jackson
From the Benin Mask Urban Series
The DRUM has been used as a mode of communication by our people for centuries; its purpose is to disseminate messages, ideas, and thoughts of our Brothers and Sisters throughout the land. We invite you to peer inside our DRUM and let the harmonious rhythms reveal themselves.
This year Black students at the University of Massachusetts have combined their talented efforts and composed a magazine that is sure to excite, move, and inspire you.
The music of Black people has often been a medium for conveying a state- ment through an exhibition of creativity, with this in mind we have explored dif- ferent areas of our music and featured them in this year's magazine.
Reflecting upon the past, Sundiata Mari-djata has written an historical ac- count of the Supremes whose influence during the 60' s and 70' s opened doors for many recording artists today. Jazz, another form of today's music, is discussed in an interview with Max Roach as he talks about his life as a Jazz artist and the un- forgettable late Thelonious Monk. On the other end of the music sphere is Jimmy Cliff conversing about the continuing difficulties of Reggae music being accepted in this country. We have also included an article on Bob Marley whose untimely death shocked us all.
DRUM is dedicated to preserving all the art forms of our people, as well as covering political and controversial events relevant to our society.
Since April 4, 1968 minorities across the country have mourned, marched on Washington, written letters to Congress, signed petitions, named buildings, dedi- cated concerts in his behalf, and even refused to work on his birthday. In spite of these efforts there is no national holiday recognizing the achievements of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. This is just one example of how the government has dem- onstrated its lack of appreciation for issues of importance pertaining to this coun- try's Black population.
History shows that the DRUM has been used to transmit messages on a local level, yet ramifications of its usage are international in scope. In light of this, DRUM seeks to impart to the reader commentary that is broad in extent. As you read articles on Dennis Brutus, The Plight of the Haitian Refugees, and Jamaica and the International Monetary Fund you, the reader, will witness this applica- tion.
DRUM focuses on these issues — and more — in order to inform you that mi- norities are cognizant of the constant mishandlings of the race issue in America. Entering this decade, where it appears that every economic gain and achieve- ment we have made is slowly eroding, we urge you to unite; we urge you to com- municate; we urge you to listen to the beat of the DRUM.
In Unity,
Lynne Butler
Vice President/DRUM Magazine
CEMENT MIXER
The myth just outside her work-hut kept repeating itself, believably: The past is dead! The past is dead!
The skywriters didn't have to shout and drag it out, all day, that day, above her head, if only because of the go of her hand-to-mouth struggle â– with the sand, one day, and the gravel, the next, both as insistent as water.
Besides, she understood the alien fact that the past is never entirely dead; pressures can't be denied like a twist of regret or dead weight shrugged off, dropped with yesterday's hopes; instead, if s mixed and blocked inside tomorrow.
Although clearly someone else's scheme, the new house she was helping to build made it plain: it's yours, in the end.
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by Andrew Salkey
GHETTO PORTRAIT
m
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Down here inna ghetto this is what I see.
Rubbish dirt and trash piling up on me;
Do you know this man - friendly still and calm.
What is he now thinking?
I wonder does he mind at all,
To be in this surrounding.
The toughest yet I've seen,
This man so strongly standing,
You glimpse his Outside world.
He could have been a doctor,
A philosopher - Yes, its true!
We must do something about this.
To help young futures through the struggle.
So take a look my friend.
It could not be much worse.
This truly builds our power,
To win over the system structure,
Walking hand in hand with JAH,
We shall fight with all our might,
And sing our Freedom Song.
by Donnie Dixon
Table of Contents
THE GREAT MUSICAL INNOVATORS:
Max Roach Remembers Thelonious Monk 14
An Interview by Nelson Stevens
Thelonious Monk 13
By Grady F. Fuller
Bob Marley 10
A tribute to a Raggae Genius by Lloyd Henley
Present Trend of Black Music 8
By Neil Grant
An Interview with Jimmy Cliff 57
POLITICAL CRISIS:
The Haitian Refugees 45
By Jalica Battle
Dennis Brutus 53
OUR WRITERS/OUR CULTURE:
An Interview with Toni Cade Bambara 43
By Deborah Jackson
Sisters 34
By Sundiata Mari-djata
What Ever Happened to the Supremes 4
By Sundiata Mari-djata
TheAmistad 4
By Marann Cassell
Adger Cowans 21
by Romare Bearden
ON THE HOME FRONT:
Health Crisis in the Black Community 60
By Mychel Ray
A Better Chance 56
By Kent Woolridge
Year of Civility 49
By Tony Crayton
Solidarity Day 46
By Phillip Martin
Martin Luther King 26
By Phillip Martin
Saluting the Past 38
By Phillip Pasley
Blacks in Film 30
by Bruce A. Studley
Marvelous Marvin 22
By Susan J. Callender
CCEBMS Salutes Seniors 63
By Rick Townes
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS:
Jamaica and the International Monetary Fund 51
By Stephanie Glenn
3
WHAT EVER HAPPENED TO THE
SUPREMES
by Sundiata Mari-djata
It's 1965 and everywhere in America people hear and are aware of the Motown sound. Three of the most prominent pro- ducers of the sound are Florence Ballard, Diana Ross and Mary Wil- son, who are known as the Su- premes. They are a new group with a new recording company, grasping and holding the attention of the entertainment world.
Thafs the way it was when the Supremes were at the zenith of the music industry, turning out hit after hit with the superb writing team of Holland, Dozier, Holland. Together they implemented and engen- dered a new musical phenome- non. It was written in Ebony (1965), "Now riding the crest of an interna- tional rock 'n' roll wave, the Su- premes are the undisputed rulers in teenage recordem-even hotter than the Beatles." Many statements tantamount to this one were writ- ten time and time again in the lead- ing magazines and journals.
The popularity continued to grow. The group not only usurped the national charts but the interna- tional charts as well, with immense success in Canada, England, Ger- many, Holland, Kenya, Norway, Italy, Japan, France, Hong Kong and Scotland. They were also the official United States Represen- tatives at the Holland Annual Pop- ular Song Festival early in their career.
The new Detroit sound an- nihilated a few of the radio and tel- evision racial barriers as America snapped her fingers to the soft and melodious sound of Florence, Diana and Mary. Within two years this sound created seven gold rec- ords — "Where Did Our Love Go?" "Baby Love," "Come See About Me," "Stop! In the Name of Love," "Back in My Arms Again," "I Hear A
Symphony," and "You Can't Hurry Love." To top that the Supremes achieved the remarkable accom- plishment of having six consecutive number one hits; an achievement that has yet to be topped by any other performer. It appeared that nothing could stop this combina- tion of charm, talent and musical genius.
Soon the awards began to come. In addition to national awards, the Supremes were voted the Top Fe- male Vocal Group by England's Record Mirror. They received more first place votes than all the other female groups combined. A dec- ade later, the group was still voted Top Female Vocal Group by NATRA. And Soul Magazine voted the Supremes Top Female Group of the Decade.
The Supremes have appeared in almost every national magazine and publication of importance in- cluding: Ebony, Jet, Rap, Soul Teen, Time, Soul, Right On!, Black Stars, Newsweek, Hit Parade, Sepia, Bill- board, Afro-American, Business, Rock and Soul, Tan, Look, Seven- teen, Negro Almanac, World Book Encyclopedia Yearbook, Who's Who in Black America, Who's Who in America, and Ebony Pictorial History of Black America. They have also been mentioned in several studies on Black music as well as a book on Motown record- ing artists, entitled MOTOWN, where a drawing of the group graced the cover.
The television appearance were just as numerous. They were fea- tured on Soul Train, The Flip Wil- son Show, Ed Sullivan Show, The Sammy Davis Jr. Show, Dick Ca- vett. Hullabaloo, Red Skelton, Johnny Carson, American Band- stand, Dean Martin, Mike Doug- lass, Sonny and Cher, Hollywood Palace, Dinah, Stand Up and Cheer
and others. They were guests on the Tennessee Ernie Ford Special, The Model of the Year Pageant, A Tribute to Berlin, Anatomy of Pop, the Smokey Robinson and the Mir- acles' Special and two specials of their own with the Temptations. In addition, the Supremes and Dionne Warwicke were represen- tatives of soul music on a special salute to American music. The group even sang "The Star Spangled Banner" before one of the Mohammed Ali's televised fights and recorded "You Can Live With It Baby" for the American Heart Association's National High Blood Pressure Month.
The group also sang in movies, TAMI Show, Beach Ball and record- ed the soundtrack for The Happen- ing. They even tried acting in an episode of Tarzan. The group was so eminent, a line of clothing bore their name, the Supreme Collec- tion, and maniquins, in department stores graced their images.
The group has recorded over twenty albums and over thirty hit singles, and have graced the stages of some of the worlds most fan- tastic sports including London's Talk of the Town and Annabels; Lewisham's Odeon Theatre; New York's Royal Box, Apollo and Copacabana; San Francisco's Cow Palace; Dallas' Venetial Room, Anaheim's Melodyland Theatre; and Manhatten's Philharmonic Hall.
Much has been written about the success of the group but little has been witten about their music. In the beginning, the group's musical image became identifiable with the Motown Sound. The beat from the "motor city" was heard throughout the world and was so distinguish- able, one could instantly detect a motown tune and the Supremes were no exception. The themes for
the early hits were love, the lack of love or the problems and pains love caused. Diana did most of the lead singing as Florence and Mary provided a melodic and often syn- copated background. The early hits were all in that old Motown mode which has been described by many writers; only the later recordings lack attention.
The magnetism of the early years began to fade after several changes. In 1967, Florence Ballard made her exit from the group be- neath clouds of confusion and problems that are yet unclear. At that time the group's billing was changed to Diana Ross and the Supremes, and Florence was replaced by Cindy Birdsong, formerly of Patti Labelle and the Bluebells. Soon after Florence's departure, the writing team of Holland, Dozier and Holland also left Motown. With new writers for the group, the 'gospel' element of the recordings was effaced and the group adopted a classic Vegas sound. The background became so monotonous until the recordings could have easily been done without any background at ail without changing the impact. Mary and Cindy stood in the shadow of the lead vocalist, Diana.
Even though the themes began to be more diversified with hits like "Love Child" and "I'm Livin' in Shame," the popularity was not like the early years. But, "Someday We'll Be Together" put the group on solid ground again as some of the old soul fibers were demon- strated.
After that hit, Diana went solo and was replaced by Jean Terrell, sister of boxer Ernie Terrell. The future looked dubious, but the group proved that it could prevail without Diana Ross. Jean's voice was strong, pellucid and crisp. It added a lot of soul to the record- ings. Her style was totally different; it was imbued with that great gospel flavor, spiritual essence and soulful pronunciation. The back- ground was stronger, and more ex- pressive. Thus the women began to sound like a group again. There
THE SUPREMES Motown Recording Artists
were big hits like "Up the Ladder to the Roof," Everybody's Cot the Right to Love," "Stoned Love," "Nathan Jones," "Touch," and "Floy Joy." The themes became more di- versified than ever as the sixties left an impact on the world and the re- cording artists and composers re- sponded. The long Vietnam War weighed heavily on the hearts of lovers and a recording "Bill When Are You Coming Back" spoke of war's agony. Jean sings of the pain as she glides through the lyrics. There was a ballad "Now the Bitter Now the Sweet" that spoke to the two sides of life; "Thank Him for Today," a more religious under- tone about the beauty in being happy and smiling and the beauty of the world.
The most popular message song was "Stoned Love" produced by Frank Wilson, who produced the album that the cut is from "New Ways But Love Stays" and the album entitled "Touch". Wilson and the Supremes had a magne tism and groove similar to the rela- tionship between the earlier group and Holland, Dozier, Holland.
The song worth mentioning from
the Touch album is "This is the Story." Loneliness was put in a new perspective as Jean laments . . .
I'm just an itenn in your private collec- tion,
But you to me are my prize possession. Happiness is eluding me. . . .
This song along with the hits "Nathan Jones," "Touch" and a tune written by Clifton Davis, "Here Comes The Sunrise," saved the album from being just a mediocre production.
Another changed occurred in the group when Cindy Birdsong left and was replaced by Lynda Law- rence, daughter of Ira Tucker of the Dixie Hummingsbirds. Lynda's voice was strong and soulful and could easily fit in with Jean's. She played the flute and drums and like Jean wanted to begin composing for the group. She had earlier subbed for Jean during an engage- ment and was the ideal candidate for Cindy's spot.
The group's popularity began to dwindle again. "Automatically Sun- shine" and "Your Wonderful Sweet Sweet Love" were short lived on the charts; and a very good tune by Stevie Wonder, "Bad Weather"
received minute air play. Lynda was only able to record one album with the group which was pro- duced by Jimmy Webb. The album was and is in almost total obscuri- ty. It contained a work from the musical PIPPIN, "I Guess I'll Miss the Man." Other highlights included "5:30 Plane" (Webb) and a remake of Bobby Lewis' "Tossin' and Tur- nin' " where the group really jammed. The message songs con- tinued as seen in lyrics.
If white is right and Black is beautiful, When can brown began.
The album lacked the soulful ap- peal and one will have to admit Jean is much better on the funkier sounds. So "Tossin and Turnin' " and "Cheap Lovin (Webb), which is a little bluesy, bring out her best. Lynda and Mary add a little latin touch in the background to Joni Mitchell's "All I Want."
Just when the group seemed to have it together again, things began to happen to their relation- ships with Motown and the music world. Jean and Lynda withdrew from the group and Mary con- tinued to keep the name alive. Af- ter recruiting Scherrie Payne (for- merly of Glasshouse and sister of Freda Payne), getting Cindy to come out of retirement, negotiat- ing with Motown, and waiting three years, the group was back with new vigor. The group's new album was very soulful and alive and deserved far better attention than it received by radio station personnel. The Background was stronger than ever and the har- mony reached its zenith. The tele- vision appearances increased and again the Supremes were in the news. Mary began to do half the lead singing and Scherrie was ab- solutely tremendous in the selec- tions she lead. The group worked with Phil Moore, a famous musi- cian-composer, and Geoffrey Hold- er, a talented and creative choreographer.
in addition to the hit "He's My Man" the new album contained va- rious sounds, from slow love melodies like "You Turn me Around" to a swinging gospel beat
in "This is Why I Believe in You." The group to record tunes that one could easily get into a dance groove; something that had been missing since the early sixties and sporadically in the early seventies. Perhaps the wide musical spectrum of the album was due to the cuts being produced and written by several people, with Clayton Ivey and Terry Woodford having the most imput.
The group was rejoined with two- thirds of the old writing team, Brian and Eddie Holland, on the two subsequent albums. Of the two albums, "High Energy" was more successful. The combination of the beautiful sounding Supremes (featuring Mary, Cindy, Scherrie and Susaye); the writing abilities of Brian and Eddie Holland and Har- old Beatty and superb musicians, James Gadsen, Gary Coleman, Melvin Ragin, Joe Sample (of the famed Crusaders), Ray Parker Jr., and others, the album was the ulti- mate in musical delight.
Again there existed the potential for the group to return to musical greatness as each member had in- dividual styles to offer. Unfor- tunately, Cindy was never given the opportunity to exemplify her talents as she was the only member that didn't get a chance to lead sing. She soon made her sec- ond exit for a better career and was replaced by Susaye Green, for- merly of the Raellettes and back-up group for Stevie Wonder, Wonder- love. Susaye is known for her vocal range and writing abilities. She wrote "Spend My Whole Life Lov- ing You" on New Birth's Album "It's Been A Long Time." Unlike, Cindy, Susaye did have an opportunity to lead sing and all three Supremes were able to lend their vocals to lead singing as well as background singing.
The group was never able to ex- press itself through the writing of the members, even though some of the members had hoped to do that. That way, the true personali- ty, thoughts and feelings of the group could have emerged in their songs.
Even though there was good writ- ing, producing and singing, the Su- premes could never get from under the shadow of Diana Ross and emerge as a musical entity in its own right. The Supremes who -were not originals tend to have blurred existence in the minds of many, and the name was usually associated with the original three. In addtion, air time was minimum and so was advertisement for the group. When the group seemed unable to rock the charts again, Mary, the last original Supreme, left the group.
The former Supremes have not gone into complete oblivion. After her first solo attempt (making two cuts that didn't make the charts), Florence's second come back never occurred due to her untime- ly death. Diana is a successful solo artist. Mary is also a solo artist and her first album entitled "Mary Wil- son" (1979) featured cuts "Red Hot" and "Warm Summer Nights." Jean Terrell has also recorded an album on A & M Records, "I Had to Fall in Love." The title track, "Don't Stop Reaching for the Top," "You've Been so Good for Me,' and "Rising Cost of Love," are the highlights. Lynda recorded a jazz album with Moacir Santos and recorded "Disco Luc/' with the Wilton Place Street Band. She also did the answer vocals on "Interlude #2" on Bobby Womack's 1975 album "I Don't Know What the World is Coming To." Cindy began work in a play ONE LAST LOOK, soon after her second departure. Scherrie and Susaye cut an album with Motown, "Partners," where Scherrie was featured as solo on "Another Life From Now," and Susaye on "In the Night." A fine duet was "I Found Another Love." Since then Scherrie had done backup work for her sis- ter Freda and has signed with an- other recording company.
The Supremes will always be an institution in the music world and claim the right to be in the music hall of fame. Only a few groups have achieved so much and done so many things. The Supremes were and still are Supreme.
I
ALBUMS BY THE SUPREMES
(1964-67) (1)
Meet The Supremes
Where Did Our Love Go
A Bit of Liverpool
More Hits by the Supremes
Merry Christmas
We Remember Sam Cooke
Supremes at the Copa (live)
I Hear A Symphony
Sing Country Western and Pop
Supremes' A'Go Go
Sing Holland Dozier Holland
Sing Rodgers and Hart
Greatest Hits
(1968-69) (2)
Reflections
Love Child
Live at London's Talk of the Town
Let the Sunshine In
Cream of the Crop
Greatest Hits, Vol. Ill
Farewell
(1970-72) (3 & 4)
Right On
New Ways But Love Stays
Touch
Floy Joy
The Supremes (produced by
Jimmy Webb) (1975-78) (5 &6) The Supremes High Energy
Mary, Scherrie and Susaye The Supremes at Their Best Hits by the Supremes (1964-67)
Your Heart Belongs to Me Buttered Popcorn When the Lovelights Start Shining
Through His Eyes Where Did Our Love Go? Baby Love
Come See About Me Nothing But Heartaches Stop in the Name of Love Back in my Arms Again I Hear A Symphony My World is Empty Without You You Can't Hurry Love Love is Like An Itching in My
Heart Love is Here, and Now You're
Gone You Keep Me Hangin' On The Happening
(1968-69)
Reflections
Forever Came Today
in and Out of Love
Love Child
Somethings You Never Get Used
To The Composer I'm Livin' in Shame No Matter What Sign You Are Someday We'll Be Together (1970-72)
Up the Ladder to the Roof Everybody's Got the Right to Love Stoned Love Nathan Jones Touch Floy Joy
Automatically Sunshine Your Wonderful Sweet Sweet Love I Guess I'll Miss the Man Bad Weather (1975-78) He's My Man I'm Gonna Let My Heart Do
the Walking You're My Driving Wheel
THE WISH
I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL WITHOUT A HEART, YOU SEE BECAUSE THE ONE I HAVE INSIDE IS BROKEN CONSTANTLY
I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL I WOULDN'T HAVE A SKIN THEN I WOULD NEVER FEEL A HUG OR HAVE TO SMILE OR GRIN
I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL FOR IF I FELL AND WAS BROKEN UNHAPPINESS I WOULD NOT CAUSE FOR I WAS JUST A TOKEN
I WISH, I WAS A LITTLE DOLL
NOW OLD, AND AT MY END
JUST PLACE ME IN A CARDBOARD BOX
AND FLOAT ME 'ROUND THE BEND
I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL MY CLOTHES, IT WOULDN'T MATTER IF I WAS DRESSED IN SILKS OR RAGS AND HAD A PATCH OR TATTERS
I WISH I WAS A LITTLE DOLL
NO TEARS WOULD CRY MY EYES
AND SOMEONE THAT I LONGED TO TOUCH
I WOULD NOT SEE GO BY
BUT I AM NOT A LITTLE DOLL I'M REAL, I NEED, I FEEL I WANT A LOVE TO CALL MY OWN A FAMILY, AND A HOME
by Nalmah
PRESENT
TREND
OF
BLACK
MUSIC
by Neil Grant
"Soul," "rhythm and blues," "jazz," "funk", and "reggae" are all terms used in expressing the vari- eties of black music on the market today, and the list isn't going to stop there. The evergrowing number of new artists to enter the market with a sound that hits the top of the charts keeps the business forever expanding.
Music has always been the uni- versal language, and the method, style and sound of today's music is rapidly changing. From beating on skins, to tapping out melodious tunes on an electric computer, technical advances along with musi- cal genius have turned simple 1-2-3-4 best counts into rapidly changing rhythms. From "ooh baby, baby" "hip, hip, hop, you don't stop" musical artists have changed their style to satisfy you and I.
Another important factor in the trend of Black Music is that many musical artists have changed their style from jazz and R&B to soul and funk to remain in the swing of con- temporary music. More and more young people are getting into the music scene by forming singing groups and producing rap records, this will tend to lead to a larger black music audience, young and old, old and new, new and exciting. Radio stations all across the nation are changing their musical format in order to grab the millions of listen- ers.
When an artist or group changes its style of music and puts it on the market, it has to realize that this new production is going to have to satisfy a new group of people.
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Since the majority of black teen- agers and young adults are raised on upbeat R&B and Funk, a jazz artist changing his style to funk may have to rely on a totally new audience to make his release successful.
Earth, Wind and Fire, one of the most successful bands in musical history came onto the scene in 1970. When they began to produce music, they were heavily into Jazz. Today Earth, Wind and Fire is considered as an R&B and Funk group. To com- plement that, on their latest album, they feature two semi-rock and new wave tunes. Their musical diver- sification has kept them atop of the competition.
The same is true for recording ar- tist Tom Browne. Until 1980, he was best known for his smooth flowing creative jazz. Then he pro- duced a song entitled "Funkin for Jamaica". Though the transition seemed to be an easy one for Browne, this type of change or any type of musical format change con- stitutes alot of risk and profes- sionalism. On Browne's latest album is a song entitled "Fungi Mama" (Bebopafunkadiscolypso). This song combines Browne's musi- cal talents with a mixture of African and Funk beats.
Another artist making a big mark in the music world is the man called Prince. He's in his early twenties and is already considered a musical genius. Since 1978 Prince's four latest album releases have high- lighted various types of music. To go along with his controversial
physical appearance and lyrics, Prince's musical range combines R&B, Funk, New Wave and Hard Rock. His music has been accepted by black and white music fans.
Raggae music is also expanding at a record breaking pace. Raggae is being produced in many areas of the world and is achieving great ac- knowledgements. While the majori- ty of Raggae music is produced in Jamaica, much of it comes from London and also right here in the United States.
Many artists, whose style was basically Funk and R&B, are now entering the Raggae music field in order to grab more of the music con- sumer market.
The musical group, "Skyy", based out of New York City entered the music scene playing heavy funk. On their latest album, they have a Reg- gae release entitled "Gonna get it on" which seemed to exhibit a smooth transition to Reggae.
The Stone City Band, musicians for the King of funk. Rick James, also tried their talents with Reggae. They released a single entitled "Funky Reggae" which combines the deep bass of the funk beat with the quick unbalanced Reggae sound. This transition and combina- tion formed a tune which could sat- isfy all black music lovers.
Funk and Reggae have also been combined in another way. Reggae artists whose musical history was producing Reggae music have tried their hand in the Funk world. Denroy Morgan's "I'll Do Anything
8
For You" and Jimmy Ross', First True Love Affair' ' , demonstrate this correlation. These songs are con- sidered Funk, by the music in- dustry, but the addition of a spice of Reggae music and voice makes these records a hit by all standards. Other artists whose style, have changed to accommodate the trend of black music include: Thelonius
(T.S.) Monk, Jr. George Duke, Rick James, Lenny White, and a host of others.
All of this boils down to the fact that music is changing daily. The number of new artists entering the market keeps the business growing and expanding. Even though estab- lished musical artists may be the best of friends, there will always be
that desire and that urge to top the next guy. To come up with some- thing that will be new, different, and most of all better. The trend of today's black music implies that the more inventive the style and sound of a recording is, while keeping in the realm of today's musical stan- dards, the more successful that tune is going to be.
Shall I compare thee to a summer's day or better yet
Shall I compare thee to a summer's night since you are warm a black
Like a summer night
Since your eyes twinkle like stars
On a summer night
Since you enfold me gently, ;
like a summer night
Since you stir me to laughter and playfulness
Like a summer night
Since you leave me expressionless
Till all I can do is sigh
You bring peace to my soul
From the troubles of white day's
Till all I can do is gaze in awe of you
Just like heaven on a summer night
Note: 1.1 Shakespeare's Sonner 18
PADLOCKED
You generously gave me the
keys to your heart
said you were mine and mine alone
said I would never have to worry
because you would always be by my side
And I believed you
You sealed our bond with a passionate kiss that melted my soul and with it all of my doubts and defenses
Our relationship was a cliche
you fed me all the classic pretty lies
and I classically ate them one by one
Well I'm full now thank you
and I may have this indigestion that you've
given me for quite some time
maybe always
Yeah, you gave me the key
to your heart
Then you went out and got the lock changed
by Joyce L. Ingram
BOB MARLEY
•••••••••••••••*•••••••••••••*••••***
by Lloyd Henley
Bob Marley, known to many as the 'King of Reggae', was born on February 6, 1945 in St. Anne Jamaica. He lived in a farming area in the mountains with his extended family his aunt, uncle, cousins, and grandparents. The Marley family were farmers who were very poor. On their farm they grew yams, peas, cocoa, and other regional crops. Bob Marley would go to other farms and help farmers in the mountain area. He did various jobs, such as milk- ing, and feeding goats each morn- ing, and other jobs that a young boy could handle. Bob lived a happy childhood, and he was liked by most everyone. One of Bob's childhood hobbies was reading hand palms. The people would pay him what they could to show their apprecia- tion.
Bob eventually left the mountains of St Anne and went to live with his aunt in Alderton. Due to a lack of transportation, he would walk five miles to a place called Pearo in order to obtain firewood. Bob was a boy with strength and much endur- ance. The walk to Pearo required that he climbed hills that were rocky and thick with brush.
In his early teens Bob and his mother moved to Kingston, a major city in Jamaica. His mother had to move there in order to find employ- ment as a housekeeper. She could not make enough money to support herself in the mountains of St. Anne where most of the population was poor. Eventually his mother had the opportunity to move to the U.S.
where she had some friends. Bob moved in with the family of his best friend Neville Livingston, known to most people as Bunny Whailer.
Bunny, like Bob had a great inter- est in music. Bunnv and Bob en- joyed singing and had hoped to form a band together. Bob was a good singer and Bunny would play the conga's. Together they worked on their dream of becoming musical performers.
One day as Bob and Bunny were walking down the street, they met Peter Tosh playing his guitar and singing. Peter's personality led him to be considered rude. However, Bob and Bunny liked his musical style and asked him to join their band, which at this point was Bob Marley' s first band.
In the early 1960's the three called their band "The Rude Boys", and spent many long hard years working on their music. In 1968 Carlton and Aston Barrett, already known in Ja- maica as two of the finest musi- cians, joined the band. Carlton played drums, and Aston played the bass. With these rhythmical addi- tions, Bob's band now consisted of five members. This was the begin- ning of the formation of the Whailers.
The band recorded singles that were hits in Jamaica and London. This was accomplished with the help of Clement Dodd, who looked for young talents and helped them get a start with their music. Pro- ducers, such as Dodd, had a hunch that the new style of Jamaican mu- sic would someday become very profitable, so they spent time and
money helping bands like the 'Rude Boys' develop their talent.
In 1972, Chris Blackwell, the founder of Island Records, had giv- en Bob Marley ^nd the Whailers money to produce their first album. By the time Bob and the Whailers produced their third album. Bunny and Tosh had decided to leave the band in order to pursue other mu- sical goals.
Bunny and Tosh had been very important in the vocal aspect of the band. To compensate for their leav- ing. Bob decided to have his wife Rita Marley, Judy Mowatt, and Mar- cia Griffiths join the band and sing backup. The three women were al- ready recording artists and had al- ready produced hits of their own in Jamaica.
In order to keep the Whailers alive after Bunny and Tosh left. Bob immediately took the band touring in the United States. Besides the United States, Bob took the band to Europe and Africa. Marley' s popu- larity grew rapidly especially in places such as Nigeria and Ghana. He received the same, if not more respect in these places as in Jamaica.
The Whailer' s earlier songs were written by Bob and Peter Tosh, at this point Bob and his wife Rita did most of the band's composing. The subjects that Bob concentrated on were the hard times the Jamaican people had to go through in order to survive, and political issues dealing with the black population. Bob also sang about his religion which was creatively incorporated into his music.
10
photo by Edward Cohen
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
In the 1960s Marley joined the Rastafarian reUgion which changed his musical style from stateside imi- tations to Reggae which has become popular all over the world. The mes- sage he tried to bring across in his songs is that the violence which once dominated people's lives should not once again come back to haunt them. Marley' s voiced opin- ions of political issues had brought him into conflict with individuals from various political fronts.
In 1976 the Whailers gave a free concert for Prime Minister Michael Manley's Campaign Party. Some
gunmen, present in the audience, opened fire on the band. Bob and his wife Rita received only flesh wounds, however, his manager was shot in the groin. Even after this in- cident. Bob came back and finished the concert, however, a few days later he took his family and left Ja- maica. After the incident Bob re- turned to Jamaica only once, to per- form in the famed Peace Concert. This was to help promote the people of Jamaica to come together in peace.
Although Marley, never produced a hit in the United States, songs he
had written were hits performed by American artists such as "I Shot the Sheriff" song by Eric Clapton. Bob was a very consistant musician pro- ducing high energy albums, one after another. Bob was respected as an individual and as a musician by a wide variety of people in many countries. Many people felt a great loss when Bob died of cancer in May of 1981, at the young age of 36. He received Jamaica's Order of Merit with a full state funeral.
Although Bob Marley is no longer with us, his spirit lives in the hearts of many through his music.
11
Leigh-Ann
12
THELONIOUS SPHERE MONK
by Grady F. Fuller
Thelonious Monk was born in Rocky Mount, North Carolina in 1920. He was one of three children. Monk, at the age of four, moved with his family to Manhattan in New York. Monk was very close to his mother, and until his death, he and his family lived with her in the same apartment.
By the age of thirteen. Monk had performed with several local bands and sometimes "rent parties." Rent parties in Harlem meant parties given in pursuit of raising rent money. Monk also won several amateur contests at the Apollo Thea- tre. During these times, Monk's in- strument was the Stride piano. This piano was exploited by the famous "Fats Waller". The sound stands out for its heavy, two handed rhyth- mic phrasing.
Monk left high school at sixteen and toured the U.S. with a faith healer. On returning Monk became sedentary in New York City. He be- came popular in the jazz world of West 52nd Street and Harlem.
Monk toured with a few musi- cians including Charlie (Bird) Parker, drummer Kenny Clarke, trumpeter Dizzy Gillespie and guitarist Charlie Christian. Two of the clubs visited were Harlems Up- town House and Minton's Play- house. Here the foundations for modern jazz were established. Their innovations included "Be-bop", whose flattened fifths and nervous rhythms made "swing" obsolete.' These appearances developed over the two decades of the 40' s and 50' s. The style of music was quite compli- cated and hard to duplicate. The uniqueness of the sound soon was labeled "Be-bop". In 1948, he took the first "bop" group into Green- wich Village, New York, where he played at the Village Vanguard.
Monk became scarce to the public and only jammed at discreet clubs. This occurred partly because his saxophonist, Charlie Parker, died in 1955. Dizzie Gillespie soon separated himself to become an in- ternationally acclaimed trumpeter. Monk became more of a loner and
clashed with police on two separate occasions. Monk was banned from performing in New York City for a total of eight years. One sentence lasted for two years and one for six years. Monk's next encounter was with a woman of great affluence. Her name was Baroness Pannonica de Koeningswarter, born a member of the famous British branch of the Rothchild Banking Family. She aided Monk in securing his legal status and a place to do his compos- ing. Around February of 1960, Monk performed at Randall's Is- land, Detroit, and many other jazz festivals. One critics review of Monk's composing read, "He has created a body of pieces that have seeped into the bloodstream of jazz, which bear the unmistakable stamp
of his extremely personal view of melody and structure and which, in the brief span of ten years have lost their original, jarring eccentric quality to take off the comfortable familiarity of a pair of old shoes." This was an article complementing the works of a great musician, who unfortunately is receiving most of his glory after his death. Thelonious Monk.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Feather, Leonard, Encyclopedia of Jazz (1960)
2. Hentoff, Nathan, The Jazz Life (1961)
3. Poling, James, Esquires World of Jazz (1962)
4. Goldberg, Joe, Jazz Masters of the Fifties (1980)
5. H. W. Wilson Co. Current Biography, 25th annual Cumulation (1964)
THELONIOUS MONK
1.
2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
10.
11. 12. 13.
14. 15. 16.
17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.
(1945)
Solo Monk, Colombia CL2349/CS9149
Monk, Colombia CL2291/CS9091
It's Monks Time, Colombia CL2184/CS8984
Miles & Monk at Newport, Colombia CL2178/CS8978
Monk: Big Band & Quartet in Concert, Columbia CL2164/CS8964
Criss Cross, Colombia CL2038/CS8838
Monk's Dream, Colombia CL1965/CS8765
Thelonious Sphere
Monk, Monk's Blues, Colombia CS 9806
Under Ground
Thelonious Monk, Colombia CS9632
Monk/Straight
No Chaser, Colombia CS9451
Monk Misterioso, Colombia CS9216
Monk's Greatest Hits, Colombia CS9775 (1975)
Brillance
(w/John Coltrane), Milestone M47023 Solo in San Francisco Milestone Sweet Lips and Lots of Jazz, Xanadu 123 Genius of Modern Music Vol. 1 & 2 Blue Note Vol. 1. BLP/1510
Vol. 2. BLP/81511 Thelonious Monk with John Coltrane, Vazzland Something in Blue, Black Loin Orchestra Live at Town Hall, Riverside Live at the Five Spot, Riverside Monk's Music, Riverside Mulligan Meets Monk, Riverside Five By Five, Riverside Brilliant Corners, Riverside Thelonious Alone, Riverside The Unique Thelonious Monk, Riverside Thelonious Monk plays Duke Ellington, Riverside
13
MAX ROACH REMEMBERS THELONIOUS SPHERE MONK
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
INTERVIEW: MARCH 27, 1982
INTERVIEWERS: NELSON STEVENS & BARRY BROOKS PHOTOGRAPHER: ADCER COWANS EDITED BY: BILL STRICKLAND
Prof. Stevens: It has been two weeks since Thelonious Monk died. Don't you think that there was something very different about him in terms of his personal- ity and his music? Max: Well to me, people like Thelonious Monk, Charlie Parker, Duke Ellington and so forth, were industries unto themselves. Thafs what they were regardless of how they appeared to the public. They enjoyed music and they inspired many performers. That means that I could take Thelonious Monk's music and support my family. I could record his songs and use them in public performances.
We all acknowledge that Monk is a great musical genius. He wore hats and did things that define a unique personality. His style was so diverse that it distinguished him from everybody else in the crea- tive arts. To me he had a sound and look of his own — but the impor- tant thing is that he left something for all of us: people will continue to purchase his music while for the musician who is interested in learn- ing how to be creative, he has an- other dimension. That means if I take one of Thelonious' songs and deal with it harmonically, rhythmi- cally, and melodically, it teaches me those basic and essential as- pects of composing and composi- tion. So Monk to me is an industry unto himself and there are very few people like that. The way he dealt with his own material no one
else will ever be able to because no one could wear hats like he did. Prof. Stevens: He seemed to ap- proach the piano differently. Max Roach: Than anybody else? Prof. Stevens: Ifs like he heard something. Clink. Clank. A strange sound.
Max Roach: Well, let me just deal with that a minute. It has to do with the artist. It has to deal with the hat. It has to deal with the way he walked which was different. Pri- or to Monk, musicians in general dealing with black music, and black musicians in particular, had a cos- tume which was sometimes a ciga- rette and a hat. Like Hoagy Carmi- chael in his films. Then the hat dis- appeared because they were get- ting to the concert days of the 20's and that was another level. Once Monk asked me or rather told me: "You know I can wear a hat on the stage." None of the rest of them were wearing hats on the stage but no one said anything to Monk. The lesson in that to me is to see what makes any artist important. We can all be good performers and good technicians and craftsmen. But what makes you really stand out in the crowd is your individual- ity. So how do you reach that indi- viduality so that it seeps down into your work? Now this is inherent in the person himself because we can turn out craftsmen and technicians by the hundreds or thousands. You can buy books on Scott Joplin and Charlie Parker the same as buying
books on Bach and Mozart and everybody else. So how do you get to be this kind of creative person who has found something unique unto himself? It starts with every- thing that person does. The way they dress; the way they walk and talk, the way they invent phrases and how they deliver those phrases in everyday life. And this kind of searching to be profound, individually profound, is a constant thing. That means if everybody's wearing dungarees this person goes the other way. If everybody turns left, they turn right. And they're still alright. Charlie Parker is a prime example. They called him the Yard-bird. He got that name because he was always doing things different than what was sup- posed to be correct. He was still harmonically, rhythmically and melodically sound but all the es- sential components he used to make up the form itself were dif- ferent. This is the reason why Monk's hat was part of the act. His hat was always a pork pie hat. Like the gardenia of Billie Holiday. Which was aside from the fact that she had that quality about her voice that was recognizable when you heard the first words. Prof. Stevens: What aspect of Monk's personality, his unique- ness, both personality-wise and music-wise was to his disadvan- tage?
Max Roach: I don't think any of it as a practitioner of the form itself. I
14
photo by Adger Cowans
look at Monk and look analytically at all the music he has written. Monk never wrote a bad song in my eyes. All of Monk's things, har- monically, rhythmically and mel- odiously are very, very sound and original. He never wrote a song that you would throw away and say, "Oh well." That was one of his great strengths. What worked against him? As I look at his pro- ductivity, he never wasted any time. I'm saying this from a musical point of view. The only thing that I can say, and this is open for argu- ment, is that he was abused from without. It wasn't within. The sys- tem and all the things we all know about this system worked against him as it did many of us. Ifs almost impossible to fight. And I think his withdrawal had a lot to do with that. Some of us grew up with Monk. He must have been 18 or 19 years old and Bud Powell may have been 6 or 7 years old. Monk was like an older brother. I could always look up to Monk because he was there and he was with us.
He was easily accessible to us. We'd go to the YMCA and have breakfast and sit around and talk all day and find some after hour spot to go to and exchange ideas or listen to each other. Monk was always there and always on top of the situation, a very pragmatic per- son. So I say the disadvantages came from without: because of marriage, dealing with the family, dealing with and trying to make a living and finding a job as a compo- ser and a writer. The strength of his work comes from looking out at that audience and seeing that there are 1,000 people who came to see you and you're making hundreds. A lot of frustrating things can hap- pen over the course of years when you are just getting pennies out of your music. And eventually you just get tired.
Prof. Stevens: Did he have any concerns about his music having an appeal to masses of people, did he want to be heard by a lot of folks? Max Roach: I'm sure he did. But
that was not the reason he was like he was. I'm sure he knew that what he was into was personal and to himself. Of course he worked hard to achieve that. When you look at his energy, the way he moved, and hit the instruments, and the way he dressed, it was all toward that process of establishing his individ- uality. As an artist Monk wanted his stuff to be profound, profound enough so that when we heard it we would recognize it as Monk's music. So the way Monk dealt with things was always finding some- thing that was good. It was a sense of personal integrity.
Prof. Stevens: How did the estab- lishment react to Monk?
Max Roach: Well, they called him eccentric but they allowed him to function. They would look at the character himself and say: "Well, he came here in sneakers when we said everyone should dress formal- ly, but his work is more profound than everyone else who is dressed right."
15
Leigh-Ann
Prof. Stevens: It didn't help his marketability that he was eccen- tric?
Max Roach: It helped them market him, but it didn't help him. Though I don't think Monk was eccentric. Monk was marketable so far as his music was concerned. But they never did put a lot of money behind the black artist who was more than an entertainer. They want to believe that we are all like Redd Fox. I'm not talking about Redd Fox, the human being. I'm talking about Redd Fox the charac- ter who has to make a living por- traying Fred Sanford. Redd Fox is one of the most intelligent human beings I have ever met. But in or- der for him to function he's got to be the janitor who looks so-so, right? Monk belies that character. The greatest musical scholars look at Monk's music and say: "Wow, this is some sound, harmonically and melodically. There's not one note out of chord or harmony. Everything just fits. The musical ar- chitecture is indisputable." Prof. Stevens: Through the 40's one of the strong components of music was dance. You could dance to the music. As well as being listenable, it was also connected to dance.
And then up in there somewhere the dance part got separated and another whole industry was born and people danced to a certain kind of music and started listening to a certain kind of music. The dance music was opposed to the spirit music.
Max Roach: Yes. Well I put it dif- ferently, yet I know what you're talking about. There's music for spectator participation and au- dience participation. When we hear the first note we jump up and dance. Thafs audience participa- tion. We also had music for specta- tor participation. In the Congo Square there was a group of peo- ple who performed and everyone else sat down as an audience. We've always had all dimensions of music. But we've been spoon- fed one dimension. When we look at the media today it appears as though Black folk never embrace and make love like other normal people or have children. You never see that. You never see us talking romantically to someone. Take I Spy, the old TV show. When you saw Cosby and Culp there was always a romantic interest in there for Culp in every episode. But Cos- by was always out there. Once in a
while they'd be in Africa some- place and try to rescue the princess and then there was a slight roman- tic interest. But we have always had in our culture religion, sacred music and secular music, and all of its forms. We've had music that dealt with us from an entertain- ment point of view. But all that's spoon-fed to us is just to entertain. We're all funny. We're never seri- ous. We're accepted if we're funny and we entertain. Black people are subordinated to America's socio- logical ego. But even though the entertaining thing exists on the sur- face when you go into the average black home you will find some Ma- halia Jackson whom they sit down and listen to and sometimes jump up and dance to. That has always existed. You got happy in church when something overcame you. Then we had the music we dealt with by going out and snapping our fingers and dancing and having a drink or two. And we always had somebody we could sit down and listen to which goes back to the Ragtime period of instrumental music. That always has been with us. (So my big grievance is with the kind of information thafs pumped .into the so-called black commu-
16
photo by Reginald Jackson
nity. And I say "so-called" because if we accept phrases like "minority" and "inferior" and "black commu- nities" and "ghettos" then we're not taking advantage of the total of be- ing American in this country. We are Americans basically. I know I'm' not going to say that just Harlem is my home because the whole thing is my home. So if someone says you're supposed to live here I re- sent that and I'm going to fight that because I've accepted somebody else's concept about my being in this society and I won't accept that. They say that the information that comes into our communities is one dimensional because we don't have a healthy cultural guide.) At the same time there was the whole jazz age of the Twenties when we had people like Duke writing Con- go Square and that kind of music. We had Jim Europe who had his 10 pianos and a string orchestra of over 100 musicians doing their thing at Carnegie Hall in 1919. Prof. Stevens: Jim Europe? Max Roach: Jim Europe, the black
man who did the arrangments for the Castles, the white dancers who made the cake walk black dancers very famous. But back to Monk. He was a victim of this discriminatory thinking. We are always kept to one single dimension in every- thing. When you look at the visual arts, T.V. and movies, you almost walk out fearing your blackness be- cause you are never really de- picted as a whole human being. Al- though when you go home you are. You have children whom you love, you get jealous, you eat, you like good food, you like nice cars, you like a nice house, and every- thing that is never shown to the rest of the world — which is an- other sociological thing. These are the outside things that if Monk was not marketable would have kept him from being marketable. Monk as well as any serious black artists. When Monk was in concert, it was packed — in Europe especially be- cause there wasn't this competi- tiveness about identity. The Euro- peans have already established
themselves as great musicians. So they can afford to say: "Here's somebody from Africa who does his thing well, or here's someone from China who does his thing well." Because they have Bee- thoven. In this country which is neither Europe nor Africa, there's another kind of thing. I don't ex- pect myself to go over to Africa and out-dance and out-sing and out-play those instruments that are indigenous to Africa. When I come to play, the African wants to hear me do some "Jazz" because he's heard Dizzy and Louis Armstrong. So he got a trumpet to imitate them.
Prof. Stevens: I remember when I was in High School when I'd go to hear jazz there were only small clubs. You couldn't dance. There was a little cafe and a bar but there was no space. In the 50's when I broke into listening there were other places to dance in and other kinds of music.
Max Roach: I grew up in the 40's and with me it was different. They
17
photo by Adger Cowans
had music specifically for dancing and they had stuff that you sat down and listened to. Sure we're dancing people like everybody else. It's a release from the daily things. You go out and have fun, have a little glass, take a lady out and have dinner. Then there are times that you sit down with the music. I just resent the fact that at this point in time we don't get a cultural diet that's intellectually healthy in the community. A per- son like Monk suffered from this. At Monk's funeral I looked around at people I hadn't seen for years and the family was thoughtful enough to provide a long list of musicians in the obituary who Monk worked with. From Coleman Hawkins to the most recent. Any of us who ever recorded or worked with Monk were thanked. Prof. Stevens: How was he to work with?
Max Roach: Monk was wonderful to work with. And he was very aware of the whole economic
system. For example we did the al- bum "Brilliant Corners" with Sonny Rollins, Oscar Peterson, Ernie Henry and myself. Monk's music was so unique and unusual that you had to work at it. It was a dif- ferent approach to rhythmical an- notation and harmonic thought. Music is like physics. The reason you have a scale is because physi- cally that first note and second note are next to each other. In the physics of music they follow each other on the scale. So if you're go- ing to have a C scale, D is next. But Monk instead of going from C to D would go some place else that was equally as great and logical but was another way of going there. So if you invent off this kind of system then you have to think a little bit harder. If s going to the same place but if s taking a different route. The way I'm explaining this shows you the difficulty you would have deal- ing with it because I'm bumbling with it now. Maybe if I keep on working at it, finally I can explain it
to you so that you'll understand that Monk himself consisted of "Brilliant Corners." Now, Brilliant Corners, the album, was being done for a record company. In those times they would hire a stu- dio and want us to do a complete L.P. as opposed to today when you couldn't stay in a studio a month to do an L.P. The normal and cheap- est session was 3 hours. They wanted you to get in there and do it right away because it was less money. Monk gave us his musical ideas for the album but we had to work out our individual roles as well as some idea of how it should all fit together. Given Monk's unique musical mind this was not easy so we rehearsed for a week while the recording studio people pulled their hair out. Finally Monk just handed us the written music. He had had it all the time but had not let on so we could make some decent money. He was looking out for us and we weren't even hip to the ploy ourselves.
THELONIOUS MONK
Arriving at the Blue Monk, Well You Needn't Say cause it was Boo Boo's Birthday. But listen Ruby My Dear, in Consecutive Seconds it was Straight No Chaser and a Bemsha Swing. It was sure Misterioso; so lefs Raise Four and call it Four in one and Worry Later.
Oh well my dear with your Brilliant Corners. I'm Getting Sentimental Over you; I Mean You, Dinah. Well Round About Midnight, In Walked Bud. So with just A Glance At Love, as I Crepucle With Nellie (This is Evidence Withy Rhythm- A-Ning).
So my Sweet and Lovely, I Hadn't Anyone Til You, And The Way You Look Tonight in Light Blue, well, I just get Nutty! You can Ask Me Now on Friday The Thirteenth I'm Confessin because Everything Happens To Me with These Foolish Things, I Should Care.
Monk's Point is Pannonica. North Of The Sunset and Played Twice with a bit of Honeysuckle Rose.
I Want To Be Happy. You know why? Epistrophy. my sweet, and now, / Surrender, Dear.
by Anthony Barboza
FOR BILLIE HOLIDAY
FINALLY, LADY, YOU WERE GONE FROM US
Then they starched you, Billie, in your shroud:
Gardenia, orchids, all proclaimed you dead:
Musical gangsters, hucksters, feeble friends proud,
To publically rejoice and . . . scratch, (You had the nerve to wed
Your psalms of love, of shreaded love, with taste.)
The larynx of your tartar bird, they split.
They bleeded it, they crossed it with the waste
Of birds autopsied, carrion, neon, fit
For alley hops. Before they carred you to dirt
Nothing was further necessary for shame:
They stood the cops before your final hurt,
They snatched away relief from final pain.
They asked for curses, signatures, for Photo looks,
Approached your bed, and snitched your comic books.
by Owen Dodson
Moments For Billie,
Central Park, New York Gty
160" X 40"l Summer, 1965
20
Max Monk Miles Mingus and Diz, Bear Mountain, New York 140 X 60"j Spring, 1981
by Romare Bearden
A photograph is supposed to be a fairly accurate representation of what the eye sees. Yet we do an in- justice to our own perceptions if we are only concerned with the usual facts of life. In this exhibit, we see not only what is apparent in the splendid water studies by Adger Cowans, but also the subtle relation- ships and nuances that give them such uniqueness.
Artists have always been fas- cinated with the effects of water. I think of Turner and of those Chi- nese classical masters who found a source of artistic energy in concord with the rhythms of great waters. In seeking this same unison, Cowans has focused his inspiration for some surprising creations. I see color, for example, in his black and white im- ages. I see, what is for me, a torso of
a swimmer. In another work, it ap- pears that honey bees have pro- duced a cone. Yet I'm completely aware these studies are taken of an everchanging aquatic world. Also, I'm just as sure that the artist was primarily concerned with abstract counter points of light and shade; and, certainly, the photographs can be appreciated in that respect.
When I first saw these water im- ages of Adger' s, it occurred to me that an artist might be inspired by certain phenomena that may be ar- tistically meaningless to everyone else. In haystacks, Monet found something to illuminate his obser- vations of the play of light and color during varying hours of the day. So, too, in water, still water, running water, even frozen water. Cowans invites us to see a universe in mi- crocosm. Undoubtedly there are ob-
vious reasons why Adger chose to depict these singular convergences of water; it is possible also that other less conscious necessities directed him to this most important of the four great elements. Is it not water that supports all life? Indeed, in many cultures it is symbolically equated with the renewal of life. It is really difficult to ascertain with certainty the meanings artists as- cribe to their works. So often the ar- tist's interpretation is not logically tied to his or her work. Whatever af- finities directed our poet-photogra- pher to immerse himself in the wat- ers of life and art, as with all good artists, he has dealt convincingly with these mysterious of creation.
The success of these photographs need not be explained, rather they are a cause for celebration. After all, the power of art is irresistible.
Moments by Adger Cowans, Greene Space, 105 Greene St., NY, NY— Nov. 81.
21
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•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
by Susan J. Callender
Marvin Hagler the eldest of seven children was born in Newark, New Jersey. At 16, his family moved to Brockton, Massachusetts where Marvin decided to drop out of school as a freshman in high school. After running the streets of the small town south of Boston, and sur- viving minor scrapes with the law and the race riots of the sixties for almost 5 years, he stumbled upon a small one room gymnasium owned by the Petronelli brothers who were at one time professional fighters. He first showed interest in the sport of boxing in 1970 when local athletes encouraged him to work out daily because he displayed exceptional talent in the sport. At this time in Marvins life, he was not sure what he wanted to do as far as a career was concerned and he needed some guidance badly. When proposi- tioned about fighting in the profes- sional ranks, he was very pessimis- tic about being successful because no one that he had ever came in con-
tact with felt that he could make something of himself and he felt as though these negative words were still holding him back. After spend- ing the duration of his waking hours working out, he consequently de- cided to take his skill to the ring.
Marvin Hagler turned out to be a natural at fighting, practicing fre- quently and knowing now that he would soon be a superstar. Within three years the strong boy south paw was the Amateur Athletic Unions National Middleweight title holder. He won the crown and tro- phy during the month of May in 1973. Hagler was invited to be on a United States boxing team that was heading to Russia for some different competition, but he decided to re- main in the United States and marry his childhood sweetheart and start a family. After winning 57 fights as an amateur Hagler turned pro. Quick knockouts became his specialty, and to lure opponents into the ring, he sometimes had to fight right handed. Nobody would fight him, but ordinary kids, Marvin was un-
defeated and his career had just begun.
The turning point in Hagler' s ca- reer came in early 1976. He re- ceived a call to fight Willie Monroe, a slick boxer from Philadelphia whom former heavy weight champ Joe Frazier was grooming for a shot at the title. Hagler agreed to take the fight, even though his managers ad- vised him against it because he had only received two weeks notice and he was suffering from bronchitis. Hagler lost a close, ten round deci- sion to Monroe, who agreed to a re- match. Hagler won both the first and second rematches. After years of scuffling, Hagler and the Petro- nellis have finally made the right connections. Boxing today is con- trolled by promoters like Don King and Bob Arum, who have an inside track to the networks. Most fighters need them to get some national ex- posure. Hagler won the title of mid- dleweight champion of the world in September of 1980, from Al Minter in England. He is a great fighter, simply Marvelous.
23
EXPERIENCES
CHANGES ALWAYS PRODUCE SHOCK THE ELECTRO MAGNETISM OF THE
FORCES '_
CAUSE IMPULSES TO JUMP ' '
FROM CONNECTION
TO CONNECTION WIRING THE SOUL FOR STATIC
THE CHARGES ... THE CHANGES
THE CHARGES ... THE CHANGES BURN THE TIPS OF HESITANT BRAIN WAVES MAKING FALSE STARTS IHPe^
AND STOPS EMOTIONALLY OVERLOADED BRAIN CELLS RESTRICTED FROM RECEIVING NEW
MESSAGES -.
BLOWS THE MIND SO, GENTLY PULL THE PLUG . TURN DOWN THE VOLTAGE :
RELEASE THE CURRENT SLOWLY
I AND BEGIN THE PROCESS
AGAIN THIS TIME TRIAL AND ERROR PREPARE THE WAY TO
SUCCESS
GIVE ME MOONCAKE BIRTHDAYS AND SPACE SPARKLE DREAMS I WANT TO SOAR EVER SO HIGH
SHOW ME SUGAR-SPICED IDEAS AND CANDY-COATED REASONS FOR I WANT TO KNOW THE MEANINGS AND WHY
SING A FRUIT-FLAVORED LULLABYE AND AN ICE-CREAM MELTING BALLAD FOR I NEED REST AND I NEED TO CRY, SOMETIME
TICKLE ME WITH FEATHER LIGHT HUMOR AND READ FACINATING TALES THAT ARE BUILDING TALL I LIKE TO LAUGH AND HEAR THEM ALL
AND WHEN I HAVE EXPERIENCED ALL OF THESE LOVE ME TENDER LIKE A GENTLE BREEZE
by Nalmah
is love enough
(or a thirteen minute poem)
if you ain't got a machine gun because you know whose ass the dallas police protect
is love enough
when i see whitey lying dead in greensboro trying to protect his freedom too ;
freedom to love every brother/sister so you'll survive this racial war and i'll survive this emotional hell
is love enough
when joe blow gets a rap
for job discrimination
but the kkk parade
with gun toting aura
like 5th avenue and it's easter
no jungle bunny here this is america
peace love and the american way
died
and so will i
haunt these motherfuckers
till their dying day
by laurie spinelli
DRUM spotlights FRANK SMITH
Frank Smith
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Acrylic and Fiber Tapestry
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MARTIN LUTHER KING JR.
by Phillip Martin
Martin Luther King Jr. was born in Atlanta, Georgia on January 15, 1929. His father Martin Luther King Sr. was a baptist minister who mar- ried Alberta Williams, the daughter of Alfred Daniel Williams, a respec- ted minister in the South. As a min- ister's son young Martin enjoyed a comfortable childhood, because his family was prestigious and pros- perous during the great depression.
Martin was a heavy boy, ruggedly built and hard-headed. In tempera- ment, young Martin was a cross be- tween his violatole, quick-tempered father and his more placid mother whose composure was not easily ruffled. Martin had a high introspec- tive character and a delicate con- science verging on irrational self- blame. With all this going for him, Martin was quickly introduced to racism at the age of six. Martin was an above average student, preco- cious and studious. He began his formal education in public school, later transferring to Atlanta Univer- sity laboratory school and then to Booker T. Washington high school. He skipped the ninth and twelfth grades and passed a college entrance examination which enabled him to enroll as a Morehouse college fresh- man at the age of fifteen. At the age of nineteen, the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. graduated from Morehouse College with a bachelor of arts degree. Already a minister, he now turned his thoughts toward acquiring a theological education at Crozer Thelogical Seminary in Ches- ter, Pennsylvania. Martin was an student at Crozer, where he became class valedictorian, being one of a half dozen Negros in a student body of a hundred.
In 1951, Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. chose to earn his doctorate in philosophy at Boston University. In 1952 Martin was introduced to Coretta Scott. She was described as being a very pretty and shapely young lady from Marion, Alabama, a recent graduate of Antioch College who had come to Boston the same time as Martin. She majored in sing-
ing at the New England Conserva- tory. In 1953 Coretta and Martin were married. During their fifteen years of marriage they had four children: Yolanda Denise, Martin Luther King III, Dexter Scott, and Bernice Abertine.
In 1955, Martin received his doc- torate from Boston University, thus becoming Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Also in 1955, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. came to leadership in the civil rights movement, initiating with others the historical 381 day boycott against segregation on city buses in Montgomery, Alabama.
In 1957, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference of which he became president. From 1957 to the present. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. has been perceived by others to be a unique symbol of the Negro's deter- mination to end segregation and dis- crimination.
In 1963, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. a well known respected and feared leader for the civil rights movement led a march on Washing- ton. More than 250,000 people white and black came from all over the country to hear Dr. Martin Lu- ther King's famous "I have a dream" speech. It touched the hearts of millions of people.
In 1964 Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was awarded the noble peace prize, a prestigious award given to those who dedicate their lives to humani- ty and those who try to make the world a better place to live.
In 1965, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. fighting for voting rights in Selma, Alabama, marched to the capital of Alabama to secure this task. Nearly 75,000 blacks and whites joined him in Montgomery to protest discrimin- ation. President Johnson had to call in the National Guards to guarantee order. Since this was the largest civil rights demonstration in the deep South.
In 1966, Dr. King went North to the rioting urban ghettos of Chicago to maintain unity with the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) which was advocating black power and to
hold-fast to his principle of non- violence. Also, in Chicago Dr. King lead a group of 5,000 demonstrators to protest the war in Vietnam.
In 1967, Dr. King lead 125,000 anti-war demonstrators from central park in New York to the United Na- tions. He said it would have been in- consistent of him not to speak on such an issue, because he advocated non-violence. On April 3, 1968 Dr. King went to Memphis to assist the sanitation workers who were strik- ing for decent wages. The next day, stepping out on the balcony of his motel, he was killed by an assessin's bullet.
During Dr. Martin Luther King Jr's life he compiled a great many honors which include a second place finish in the Webb oratorical contest during his sophomore year at Morehouse, a Bachelor of Arts de- gree at Morehouse and a Bachelor of Divinity degree at Crozer Seminary. In addition to being class valedic- torian at Crozer, he won two prizes, the Pearl Plafkner award and the Lewis Crozer Fellowship award. In 1955, he received his Ph.D. in systematic theology. Some of his more famous awards included his man of the year award given to him in 1963 by Time magazine, the Spingarn medal for his contribution to race relations, and the Nobel Peace prize for being an outstanding spokesman for the non-violent movement. Also, in death Dr. King has been honored with various schools, streets, awards and newly constructed buildings being named after him. This reflects the sincerity of the issues Dr. King stood for. It also reflects how effective he was and how he touched the hearts of millions.
In conclusion. Dr. Martin Luther King was one of the greatest, if not the greatest leader in modern times. Because of the great way he influ- enced people his followers were not only black, but they were of all races, creeds and colors. This can be substanciated by his march to the United Nations where he spoke on the Vietnam War.
26
BLACKS AND FILM
by Bruce A. Studley
This is a critical analysis of the portrayal of Blacks in the American film industry. It traces Black characterization and stereotypes in film from the birth of narrative film, around the turn of the century, up to the end of the "Black Film" boom in 1973.
The Silent Era
It can be seen from some of the titles of the earliest films that Blacks received little respect in the beginning of film. Films such as The Wooing and Wedding of a Coon (1905), billed as a "genuine Ethio- pian comedy", and The Nigger (1910), a story involving miscege- nation, were more the norm than the exception during the American film industry's formulative years.
Uncle Tom's Cabin was a favorite film of filmmakers of the silent era. This story was converted to the screen in 1909, 1914, 1918, and 1927. The actors in all but the last version were Whites in blackface, as was usually the case in film por- trayals of Blacks in silent cinema.
Also popular in the early days of cinema was a series of split-reel comedies depicting Black life called the Rastus Series. How Vas- tus Cot His Turkey (1912), Rastus Dreams of Zululand (1913), and Coon Town Suffragettes (1914), are examples of the titles of some of the films in the Rastus Series.
It seems apparent that through the silent era, especially before 1915, Blacks were being portrayed and promoted in a derogatory manner. This can be witnessed in a film bulletin for The Chicken Thief, made by Biograph studios in 1904:
"From the opening of the picture, where the coon with his grinning face is seen devouring fried chicken, to the end where he hands head down from the ceiling, caught by a bear trap on his leg, the film is one continuous shout of laughter."
Birth of a Nation
In 1915, Birth of a Nation, di- rected by D. W. Griffith, was re- leased. It was America's first fea- ture film and was an immediate hit at the box office. However the film, originally named the Clansmen, put Blacks in such a bad light that the newly formed National Associ- ation of American Colored People (NAACP), and other groups of Blacks and liberal Whites cam- paigned to have it banned, (and it was in Chio, Kansas,) and many major cities throughout the U.S.
Griffith added a new dimension to the Black film image in Birth of a Nation, which was about the post- Civil War reconstruction era in the South. Instead of being portrayed as faithful servants or harmless, lazy, stupid watermelon eaters, they were portrayed as "wicked uppity, incompetent Negro politi- cians and bestial rapists whose sex- ual appetites endangered Southern virtue."
In the end of Birth of a Nation the Klu Klux Klan arrived just in time to save the day. The NAACP has tried to suppress this film as late as 1965.
The Early Thirties
Although the first "talkie". The jazz Singer (1927), portrayed Al Jolson in blackface, sound in mo- tion pictures gave Blacks some inroads to Hollywood through their acknowledged abilities to sing and dance, and musicals were the genre in fashion just after the ad- vent of sound.
The first all Black film. Hearts in Dixie, was released in 1929. It was billed as "All colored, all singin', and all dancing'."
The same year King Vidor made Halleluja, which was artistically in- novative, but still maintained the characterization of the Black as an "over-sexed dupe". But now he could sing and dance.
The release of Empereor Jones in 1933 marked two firsts for Blacks in film. It was the first film in which a Black, Paul Robeson, received top billing, and it was the first film de- picting a Black in a dominant posi- tion over Whites, which may have been the reason it was a financial failure.
Empereor Jones was the story of a Black slave who escaped to a Carribean island and ruled a tribe of Whites for a while. But in the end he surrendered to the forces of voodoo, another stereotype of Blacks in film at that time.
In the middle Thirties, two Black performers, Stepin Fetchit and Bill Robinson, became popular with movie audiences. Fetchit played the role of the lazy, stupid servant in numerous films such as Stand Up and Cheer (1934), and David Har- rum (1935). Robinson played the grinning, dancing servant in various Shirley Temple movies. Though the plots varied, these actors played essentially the same roles movie after movie in the Thirties.
However, the Thirties did pro- duce some films that portrayed Blacks in a respectable light. / am a Fugitive from a Chain Gang (1932), which dealt with the labor camp system of the South, portrayed Everett Brown as a Negro prisoner who was "capable of great friend- ship, loyalty, and courage".
Gone With The Wind
Cone With The Wind produced a rather ambivalent landmark for Blacks in film. A Black actress. Hat- tie McDaniel, won the supporting actress Academy Award for her role in the movie. But the role she played was that of the typical "mammy".
Cone With The Wind did portray Blacks in a more realistic way than most films at the time. David O.
continued on page 30
11
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Blacks and Film
continued from page 27
Selznik, the producer, contracted two historical experts from Georgia, William G. Kurtz and Susan Myrick, to watch over the making of the film for authenticity purposes. This saved Selznik from making some of the more blatant errors in manners and racial eti- quette, such as the slaves rising in song, that prevailed in most mo- vies depicting Blacks at the time.
World War Two
The emergence of WWII some- what changed the depicition of Blacks in American cinema. A con- scious effort was made by Holly- wood to present a united front against Fascism.
Also, in 1942 the NAACP made another venture into the world of motion pictures by demanding that Hollywood provide for Blacks more roles of better quality. Later that year Hollywood agreed to the NAACP's demands.
The result of these forces on Hollywood was the first "token" movies. Casablanca (1942), Sahara, Crash Dive, Bataan, and Lifeboat, all made in 1943, had Blacks in- volved in the fight against Fascism in respectable roles.
When Hollywood didn't insert Blacks as token for the war effort it often went back to its old portray- als of Blacks. The following is a comment on the portrayal of Blacks in the musical Tales of Man- hatten. There is a sequence involv- ing a coat containing a consider- able amount of money being dumped from a airplance over shacks inhabited by Southern Blacks:
"A tasteless and naive sequence saw such eminent artists as Paul Robeson and Ethel Waters demeaning them- selves by impersonateing superstitious 'niggers' thanking the Lord for his goodness in sending them the money from the skies, praying, kneeling, sob- bing, and behaving generally in the same old credulous, sub-human man- ner."
Though Blacks were receiving some better roles as tokens in the war effort, on the whole things re- mained the same for Black actors in Hollywood. The following is a list of stereotypes of Blacks in film compiled in 1944 by Lawrence D. Reddick of the journal of Negro Education:
1. The savage Africian
2. The happy slave
3. The devoted servant
4. The corrupt politician
5. The irresponsible citizen
6. The petty thief
7. The social delinquent
8. The vicious criminal
9. The sexual superman
10. The superior athlete
11. The unhapy non-white
12. The natural-born cook
13. The natural-born musician
14. The perfect entertainer
15. The superstitious churchgoer
16. The chicken and watermelon eater
17. The razor and knife "toter"
18. The uninhibited expressionist
19. The mental inferior
1946-1961
After the war ended, Hollywood entered a stage in which Filnn Noir, a genre dealing with corruption and social injustice, became popu- lar with the movie public. Film Noir remained in vogue until 1952.
Four films featuring Blacks stood out in this period. Home of the Brave (1949) dealt with the impact of racism on a Black soldier's psyche; Lost Boundaries (1949) ex- amined Blacks who "passed" in the white world; Intruders in the Dust (1949) dealt with racism from in- side the White social conscience; and Pinky, which dealt with a light- skinned woman's return to the Black world.
It is interesting to note that these four movies, all box office hits, dealt more with Blacks trying to fit into White society than with Blacks and their world. Though the Black problems of lack of education, housing, and jobs were not por- trayed in these films, Hollywood
did realize that it was now finan- cially acceptable to portray the problems of racism.
Credit should be given to Holly- wood for taking the chance of alienating itself from large seg- ments of the American public in making these controversial films at a time when it was being robbed of much of its audience by Television. An example of some of the nega- tive sentiment toward these films in some parts of the country is the ban of Pinky by the city of Atlanta because the film was "likely to have an adverse effect on the peace, morals, and good order of the city.
Sports films depicting famous Black athletes began in the late Thirties with the biographies of Henry Armstrong, Keep Punching (1939), and Joe Louis, Spirit of Youth (1937). This theme was picked up again in the Fifties with the release of The Jackie Robinson Story (1950), The joe Louis Story (1953), and two biographies of the Harlem Globetrotters. The criticism of these films from Black audiences or the Black community was that Hollywood was once again evad- ing the problems of Blacks by showing success stories instead of probing the real problems of Blacks.
The Black musicals of the fifties ranged in artistic and financial suc- cess from Carmen Jones (1954), a highly acclaimed financial success about a Black singer, for which Dorothy Dandridge received an Academy Award nomination, to Porky and Bess (1959), which in spite of a $7 million budget, was a dramatic and financial disaster.
There were two films dealing with interracial love affairs in the fifties. Both of these films. Island in the Sun (1957), and The World, The Flesh, and The Devil (1959), starred Harry Belafonte. In both films Belafonte was denied so much as an on screen kiss.
30
The Black Films, 1970-73
In 1970, a film called Shaft, fea- turing Richard Roundtree as a street-wise Black super-hero detec- tive, was released and became a box office smash, particularly in Black neighborhood theaters.
From 1970 until 1973 Hollywood churned out film after film por- traying Blacks as super-heros. Blacks were also finally being por- trayed in their own urban environ- ment.
The underlying theme of virtually all these films was to "stick it to the man." But it was the portrayal of the lead characters of many of these films that bothered many Black leaders. Many Black organi- zations felt that movies such as Superfly (1972), which featured a Black dope peddler as the pro- tagonist, and Sweetback's Bad- asssss Song (1971), which had a cop-killer as the hero, put Blacks in a bad light and didn't portray good role models for their youth.
In 1972 the' Coalition Against Blaxploitation (CAB) was formed by local Black leaders in Los Angeles.
"We will not tolerate the con- tinued warping of our Black children's minds with the filth, violence, and cultural lies that are pervasive in the current production of so-called 'Black Movies'," said President Junius Griffin when CAB was formed.
Summary
In the silent era Blacks were treated with virtually no respect and blatant racism is evident in such film titles as Nigger in tlie Woodpile (1903) and The Wooing and Wedding of a Coon (1905). During the early years of film Blacks were portrayed by Whites in blackface in roles of "shuffling, bug- eyed, stupid, watermelon-eaters."
Derogatory portrayal of Blacks peaked in 1915 with the release of Birthi of a Nation, which also por-
trayed them as a plague on society. After the NAACP protested, the portrayal of Blacks in a derogatory manner receded somewhat from pre-1915 levels but most of the stereotypes were still very present.
The introduction of sound opened more opportunities for Blacks to enter film as singers and dancers. But the stereotype of subervience to Whites remained.
It was not until WWII, when Hollywood wanted to present a united front for the war effort and the NAACP once again lodged strong protests against the por- trayal of Blacks in film, that Blacks began to receive some roles of parity with Whites in film. But many of the stereotypes remained.
After WWII, during the Film Noir period of soul searching films, the problems of facism made it to the screen but receded when this movement died in the early Fifties.
From the early Fifties to the late Sixties Blacks, with the exception of Sidney Poitier and, to a lesser de- gree, Harry Belafonte, were featured almost exclusively in sports biographies and musicals. However, during this period Sidney Poitier did become a full-fledged star, although he played roles in which some in the Black communi- ty considered to be unrealistic.
The financial success of Sliaft in 1970 brought an influx of Black films onto American cinema for three years. Although Blacks were finally being portrayed in the ur- ban, lower class setting in which most Blacks reside, the portrayal of most of the protagonists as super- macho men, dope peddlers, pimps, and cop-killers was looked down upon by much of the Black community.
Conclusions
This study shows that it has been an uphill climb to gain respect for Blacks in American cinema. When it has been profitable to make films
featuring Blacks, Hollywood has done so, as the 1948-52 and 1970-73 periods have shown.
Black culture and history have been almost totally neglected by the film industry. The Black male stars (Poitier, Brown, Jones, Belafonte) haven't been featured in any major motion pictures in the past few years. This study has re- vealed the Black female super star to be non-existent.
But, when Blacks are portrayed on the silver screen these days they are treated with some respect and dignity. The watermelon-eat- ing buffon stereotype of the past seems to have been put to rest by American filmmakers. The realistic portrayal of Blacks in film has been a long time in the making.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS
Cripps, Thomas, Black Film as Genre. Blooming- ton, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1978.
Mapp, Edward. Blacks in American Film. Me- tuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1972.
Maynard, Richard A. The Black Man on Film. Ro- chelle Park, N.J.: Hayden Book Company, 1974.
New York Times Movie Reviews 7973-68, New York: New York Times-Arno Publishers, 1970.
ARTICLES
Michener, Charles. "Blacks vs. Shah." News- week, Oct. 23, 1972, p. 88-92.
"Interview with Sidney Poitier". People, July 10, 1980, p. 71.
31
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SISTERS
by Sundiata Mari-djata
A quaint room in a building located on the outskirts of the city is the location of a meeting to be held. The room looks like Africa re- vived and revamped in a new land. The walls are covered with draw- ings of lions, zebras, monkeys and other animals. There are also spears and bamboo sticks adding to the decor. The little furnishings are also done in bamboo. In the center of the floor is a large rug fashioned in an African print. There are large palets around the rug. The room is quiet, with only the sound of birds chirping as they fly about the windows.
The quiet room is quickly inter- rupted by the chatter of women slowly entering. The women saunter into the room with dubious expressions on their faces. Each takes a seat on a palet, taking sporadic glances at those they haven't met and quickly looking away when the other notices. Finally another woman enters. She's dressed in a dashiki and san- dals. She wears an afro that per- fectly fits the contours of her face. She joins the remaining women.
"Good morning ladies. My name is Jean in case any one has forgot- ten and I welcome you to the cen- ter. I've talked to each of you previously, so you know why we are here. Hopefully, this will be beginning of a long relationship. I want each of you to relax and feel free to say whatever is on your mind. It may be a little difficult in- itially, since we're all strangers, but when we leave here we'll know each other a lot better. I will sit here and listen to the wisdom of you beautiful ladies. Who wants to startr she asks smiling.
The woman to her left shifts. She cautiously looks at each of the other women as if to search their inner thoughts. She is wearing a thin blouse with fashionable jeans that fit the voluptuous curves of
the body. Her make-up is exces- sive, but not to the point of dis- tracting from her dark and mysteri- ous eyes. Jean notices her movements and asks, "How about you Idar
"Ok, I will begin. My name is Ida and I am . . . a . . . prostitute," she says hesitantly. "Yes, a prostitute or perhaps some others would prefer to use some other name." she says more confidently. "But its all the same. You know I started not to come to this rap session, but when Jean told me how she wanted to hear and share our deepest thought, I decided to make use of this opportunity to let others know what I felt. You know, so many people see me, judge me and con- demn me, all in the same breath without caring to hear my side. Sometimes I ask myself whether or not I have a side. But you know it's hard to ignore them because I have to live with those people, like it or not. I don't enjoy what I do. In fact, 1 hate it. Night after night, it can be- come awful, like . . . like a bad dream. Oh yes, I have had good dreams too; dreams of a home, a family, maybe even living in the suburbs, living a so-called respecta- ble life. I had these dreams many years ago, but one thing happened after another. I won't go into that horror story. But it's like you're trapped and then everything closes in around you. Yea, the so-called respectable folks have all the solu- tions, ifs easy for them to talk for they are not in my shoes. Getting a job is not so easy now a days, especially when you don't know how to do much. And have friends, oh no, I don't live up to peoples' expectations."
At that point Deborah butts in. She is wearing an old plaid dress. She wears no stockings and her black shoes are very worn. She wears a red wig that is tilted to the left and looks as if it has not been combed in several days.
"Yes honey, I know about rejec- tion. I'm a drunkard. My bottle is my friend. I have a job at the plant. It don't pay nothing much. Ifs enough to pay the rent, buy a little
som'feat and buy my liquor. They looks down on me too honey. But when I get my liquor they all know what they can do for me. Let me tell /all somthin'. I went to this church one Sunday night and dem 'ligious sisters told me dat I ain't had no business dere in my condi- tion. You know I figure the's sup- pose to help. I was really down that night. Humph, they helped al- right. As soon as I walked in they started a whisperin' and a mumblin'. One of dem fat ones told me I shoulda been ashame to come in the Lord's house looking like a devil's angel. I reckon she oughta know what a devil's angel looks like 'cause she sho' as hell looks like his wife! So I went on down the street and got me a fifth of gin and even some vodka for later. Yea, since my man and all my chilluns got killed in a accident I've been on the bottle and it's been down hill ever since."
"You are so right," said another lady. She is a well dressed woman. Her outfit is well coordinated in various shades of green. She has an air of certainty about her. "I am Mrs. Johnson, and I am one of those church going sisters that sit 'round and talk about everybody. I have been guilty of looking down on folks, calling them sinners and Lord knows we are all sinners. After mission meetings we'd talk about others and just finished pray- ing and singing. Sittin' here listening to you opened my eyes to the real hypocrite I've been. I'd shout all over the church, but I really sincere in that, but to then look down on others such as you was wrong. I could've been helping instead of hurtin'. I guess it made me feel im- portant, in my circle anyhow. We all talked about other people sins, that way we didn't have time to talk about our own."
Suddenly the lady to Deborah's left moves. She is beautiful, like the ideal model. She wears a dress that appears to be an original design, and it captures her apparent good taste. Her hair is frosted and is styled in many curls. Her skin is smooth. She wears modest make-
34
up that highlights her slender face. She speaks softly, "I can identify with you for I have been snobish in another sense. My name is Jeanette and I am a prime example of Black bourgoesie. My family and I strive to be a top society family. We do the entire scene. And that really describes our life, scenes that make up one big play and you feel as though you're on stage. I at- tend the luncheons, the bizarres, the benefits and the parties. It is a full time job just trying to live up to middle class standards. Even though there is a stupendous urge to just run free and be yourself, the society keeps pulling you in an- other direction and you fall slave to the dictation of middle class America. My hairdresser makes a fortune dying my hair. Wear an afro or dashiki like Jean, of course not, unless we were entertaining African guests. Only then is it ac- ceptable. All of this just to be ac- cepted by whites, hoping that money and material things will make them ignore the color. And they still look at you as if to say 'nigger you try so hard, but you're still a nigger and will always be a nigger.' Deborah when you drink we call you a drunkard. When we drink in our circles its called being social. Yet the end results can be the same. I don't have the guts to be identified with anything Black.
photo by Robert Davis
And at times, I criticize my own people as much as whites do. Yes, mistakes are hard and through them we can easily forget who we are and how we got where we are."
The woman across from her nod- ded continuously. She is dressed in a tweed suit and appeared as though she had just come from a business meeting. She wears glass- es that accent her slender face. She has a dark complexion that glows in its natural beauty. Finally she speaks, "I agree with you. I know of that scene. I tried that when I was in college. I went to this white col- lege and I discovered trying to be a 'colored' white girl was not going to work for me. So I wore my 'fro even after the style dictated other- wise. I began to search myself as a woman, a Black woman with special needs and desires. I decid- ed to make my success with my brains, not with bleached hair, low cut blouses nor kissing behinds. It was a tremendous challenge but I succeeded. Often friends did not understand my need to be Black. It has been extremely difficult with male companions. They don't feel that I am, what should I say, feminine enough. I say that I'm no one's fool. Somehow some Black men have gotten this idea that white women are so meek and mild and docile. Even if they are, I
refuse to be that way. To me play- ing that role is like being locked in a prison, not being able to express yourself and fulfill your needs. So am I cold, because I am a business executive? I shouldn't be in a 'male' role. It's funny that many want you to be docile as they think white women are, but yet they cannot or do not want to play the role of a total provider. It's not that they don't want you to work, they just want to control the money after you work for it. I've had many to stop dating me and start dating white women.
Mrs. Johnson interrupted, "You know you are right to a certain point. I am older than most of you and I have seen a lot more. I under- stand that the Black man have had a hard time, God knows my ol' man did. I tried hard not to let him forget he was a man. But then men were men. It seems like more of these young men are shunning re- sponsibilities and some young women too. But we as Black wom- en who understand a lot and we can help a man who is willing to help himself. All I need is a man to try and I will stand behind him one hundred percent.
"I agree with that, added Jean. "I've seen the type Angelcalisha has described and I have seen good ones like my father. There are good ones, they are just hard to find. Then too the Black man is in a precarious position. On one hand the standards of our society dictates that a man is to be a breadwinner, head of the family, decision maker, but at the same time he is denied the opportunity to be a breadwinner by the same society that tells him he should be. Thus, he has to share this role with his wife and sometimes she is the main supporter of the family."
"Thafs a good point," added Angelcalisha. "They have always been down on the Black man for they felt that this would weakened the race and keep us down. Little did they know that we Black wom- en can be just as threatening.
continued on page 48
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DRUM spotlights TED PONTIFLET
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DRUM spotlights NELSON STEVENS
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SALUTING THE PAST
by Phillip Pasley
This year Alpha Phi Alpha Frater- nity, Incorporated, celebrates its Diamond Jubilee and proudly pro- claims Seventy-five Years of Service to all. This, the first black college fraternity in existence, was founded at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, in 1906. The original mem- bers were "desirous of maintaining more intimate contacts with one another than their classroom study permitted." As black students at a large predominately white institu- tion, they found themselves exclud- ed in "opportunities for mutual help- fulness." Coincidently, during this era of American culture, open bias- ness toward blacks was generally accepted. White racism flourished at a greater rate than it does today. Many forms of discrimination, mis- treatment, segregation, prejudice and lack of consideration stood as obstacles to efforts and aspirations of black advancement and improve- ment. In response to this display of racism, many black organizations sprang into existence. Some of them were the American Negro Business League (1900); the National Afro- American Council (1903); the Na- tional Association of Negro Teach- ers (1903); the precursor of the N.A.A.C.P., the Niagara Movement (1905); and Alpha-Phi Alpha Frater- nity (1906).
In the beginning stages of organi- zation, the members banned togeth- er to become a literary and social organization. About one year later they decided to become a fraternity. This decision made them the first of the eight black Greek letter organi- zations to exist on college campuses in America. The Greek symbols ACJA (Alpha Phi Alpha) were chosen as a name for the fraternity, sym- bolizing 'first and only first'. The original brothers of the fraternity were Henry A. Callis, Charles H. Chapman, George B. Kelly, Nathan- iel A. Murray, Robert H. Ogle, Eu- gene K. Jones and Vertner W. Tan- dy. These seven founders are now known as "jewels". Their fraternal ideas encompassed "manly deeds, scholarship and love for all man- kind". The tide of racism against
blacks at this time, spurred them on to adopt black progress as their main concern. The remoteness from the black environment provided these outstanding young black men with the opportunity to observe the nation's racial scene objectively from a distance. What these seven pioneers also wrought was to raise the status of the black students in the semi-isolated community of Cor- nell University.
The chapter at Cornell University became Alpha chapter. About one year later, a chapter began at Howard University. Nineteen men constituted Beta chapter, the second chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraterni- ty. Ten days later. Gamma chapter was established at Virginia Union University. As an example of how rapidly the Alpha Phi Alpha frater- nal idea was expanding, in the next five years, ten more chapters were established at various campuses all over the United States and even one in Canada at the University of Toronto. Today there are six- hundred plus chapters throughout the United States, the Carribbean Islands, Europe and Africa. The 75,000 initiates are both from gradu- ate and undergraduate programs.
One of the earliest programs launched by Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity in the early 1900's, was a program against the lynching of black men. In those days, a black ac- cused of a crime was denied all due process of the law, and usually wound up hanging by the neck from a tree at the hands of a white mob. The Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, along with the N.A.A.C.P., was in the forefront of awakening public consciousness regarding lynchings. The Alpha men also raised and con- tributed funds for legal expenses in the fight.
Another of its first programs was the "Go to high school, "Go to col- lege" campaign. This was a program dedicated in the fight to obtain bet- ter education for blacks. The idea of the program was to improve the ed- ucational facilities of blacks, and to encourage blacks to go to and re- main in school. The fraternity facili- ated the raising of scholarship money for deserving black students. The
motto of the campaign became "The future of our race is dependent upon the education of our boys and girls." Throughout, the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity has remained consistent with this idea. Education and aca- demic excellence has been of top priority and is the foundation of its existence. Another facet upon which the fraternity is built upon is quality leadership for the race.
Probably because of its distinction as the pioneer of Greek letter organ- izations established for blacks, Al- pha Phi Alpha has attracted the ma- jority of this nation's Black leaders. A substantial percentage of this country's historic black men are rec- ognized in Alpha dorm. Men such as W.E.B. Dubois, Martin Luther King, Jr., Thurgood Marshall, Andrew Young, Maynard Jackson, Marion Barry, Dick Gregory and Ernest Morial, just to name a few, are all Alpha men. The issues which the fraternity has addressed, and its ever present course of reaction at- tracts outstanding young black men each year, who vow to uphold Alpha Phi Alpha's motto, "First of all; Servants of all; We shall trans- cend all."
Annually, the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity holds a general conven- tion to which all members of the fra- ternity are urged to attend. During the convention, there are program reports and updates and goals for the future which are dicussed. In 1979, a "million-dollar fund drive" was initiated to raise money for the nation's black organizations. In the summer of 1981, the Alpha Phi Al- pha Fraternity donated 300,000 to be divided amongst the National Ur- ban League, the United Negro Col- lege Fund and the National Associa- tion for the Advancement of Col- ored People. "The New Alpha Trust" for the 1980's has five main components. They are (1) a business encouragement program (to make blacks producers as well as con- sumers)' (2) a youth develop- ment program involving a leader- ship development institute, b) a youth motivation and recognition program, c) career guidance and job fairs; (3) the ceptimizing of a Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. role model
38
for black youths through efforts to make Dr. King's birthday a national holiday; (4) a campaign to extend the Voter Rights Act; and (5) support of evolving issues (including new definitions) regarding self-suffi- ciency, self-development and per- sonal success and prosperity for those traditionally oppressed or poor."
—Sphinx Magazine — vol. 67 no. 2 summer 1981
The recent efforts of the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity are only the latest in a long line of efforts which began back in 1906. The idea of "Manly deeds, scholarship and love for all mankind" has been steadfast for seventy-five years. The issues which prompted the seven jewels of Alpha Phi Alpha to start a fraternity back in 1906, are still being fervent- ly addressed by the fraternity today. As long as black inequality exists, so too will A(5A. Black pride is ex- pressed best in the words of Charles
H. Wesley, the author of "The History of Alpha Phi Alpha; a Development in College Life."
As Americans of European parentage point with pride to the ancestral history of their people, so Alpha Phi Alpha would have the blacks of America look with pride upon Afri- can civilization with its kingdoms, its governments and its laws, its social institutions, its buildings and roads, and its evidences of indigenous prog- ress, unaffected as it was, by outside influences.
HOUSE OF ALPHA
GOODWILL is the monarch of this house. Men, un- acquainted, enter, shake hands, exchange greetings, and depart friends. Cordiality exists among all who abide within.
I am the eminent expression of friendship. Charac- ter and temperment change under my dominant power. Lives once touched by me become tuned and are thereafter amiable, kindly, fraternal.
I inspire the musician to play noble sentiments and assist the chemist to convert ungenerous personal- ities into individuals so great worth. I destroy all ignoble impulses. I constantly invoke princi- ples which for common brotherhood and the echo re- sounds in all communities and princely men are thereby recognized. Education, health, music, en- couragement, sympathy, laughter — all these are species of interest given on self-invested capital.
Tired moments find me a delightful treat, hours of sorrow, a shrine of understanding — at all times, I am faithful to the creed of companionship.
To a few, I am the castle of dreams — ambitious, successful, hopeful dreams. To many, I am the po- etic palace where human feeling is rhymed to celes- tial motives; to the great majority, I am the treasury of good fellowship.
In fact, I am the college of friendship; the Uni- versity of brotherly love; the school for the better making of men.
I AM ALPHA PHI ALPHA!
by Brother Sidney Brown
DRUM spotlights DEBORAH C. JACKSON
Deborah C. )ackson Tomorrow's Smiles
All Wurk by Turn Feelings
AMISTAD SHIP REBELLION
by Marann Cassell
In 1839 July 2, a rebellion took place on the Amistad ship. Amistad is Spanish meaning friendship. The slaves on this ship had been kid- napped from their homes in the Mendi Country of Sierra Leone. These slaves were tortured, and chained from foot to foot in an area where you could only stand. They were later placed in barra- coon and sprayed from head to toe in Havanna.
This cruel treatment made them afraid of going further because they felt it would get worse. Then came a remarkable man named Cinque'. He was about five feet ten inches, and he was a proud son of a chief. Cinque' was a born leader, and he motivated his followers to look for hope. He said "We must not die under their lashes; we must not let the white man eat us. We
must break these chains and go back to our homeland Africa." They worked all night until they pried the shackles that connected their necks together. The next thing they did was to arm them- selves with sugar cane knives. These were terrifying weapons, long, thick and very sharp.
They had their plan so well organized the revolt went un- detected by the slave traders that were abroad the Amistad. During the night when all the slave traders were asleep. Cinque' divided the slaves by sending four to each cabin on the ship. Very quietly entered the cabins and attacked the slave traders. Few managed to flee in terror, others were taken captives and some killed, and the slaves took control over the Amistad.
Cinque' not knowing very much
about ships, steered the ship in the direction of the sun, but during the stormy weather he would lose control. A commander who was held captive knew how to steer the ship. Cinque' dreaded asking him, but he did. The commander agreed to do it, but very discreetly the commander steered the ship in the direction of America. They landed in New York on Long Island. Cinque' knew this wasn't Africa, but he got out to get fresh water. There he met two men who told him this was a free country. Cinque' began to feel at ease until the Americans aboard the Wash- ington came and took them as prisoners. Cinque' was hurt, he said, "We would have returned but the sun was against us. I will not see the White man, I thought I should be killed, I expected it. I would have been better dead than
41
live moons in misery, I should be hung, I think everyday, but this does not pain me, I could die hap- py if I could save so many of my brothers from the bondage of the white man."
When they captured the slaves there were three little girls and forty-one men, one had died be- fore the overthrow of the ship. Later they were transferred to New Haven and put in jail where they waited for their trial.
The slaves were faced with an- other problem which was lan- guages. There wasn't anyone that could speak Mendi. They only knew how to make signs. That would have been useless to them in court. Finally a professor of Yale Divinity school found a lady who had a slave boy that knew Mendi and English. He assisted them in the trial.
The case was heard in January 1840. The President at that time was Martin Van Buren. The lawyers overlooked the murders and piracy of the high sea, but they turned to international treaties. By laws the Spanish government should not have kidnapped Africans.
The case lasted for one week, but the high point was when Cinque'
testified. He testified in the manner how he was shanghaied from the side of his wife and three small children in Africa. He squatted on the courtroom floor demonstrating how tightly the slaves had been packed together on the Amistad.
The judge presiding over the case was Judson. He handed down his decision that the slaves should be returned to the President to be sent back to Africa. The Aboli- tionists jumped for joy, but the U.S. attorney of the president asked to appeal it to the Supreme Court.
This time a challenging figure entered the case. The sixth Presi- dent of the United States John Quincy Adams. He was angry by the Partisanship of the Democratic president. He forced through con- gress a resolution calling for full disclosure of all official correspon- dence dealing with the case.
The President was still persistant. So, during a mini hearing of whether the court should hear the case, John Quincy Adams spoke for four and a half hours. There was a breathless hush as Adams finished his moving oration, less than a month later, on March 9, 1841, the court denied the govern- ment's appeal and ordered that the
Amistad Africans be set free im- mediately.
The sequel was almost as moving as a long and stirring drama. The liberated slaves were sent to school and given religious instruc- tion for nearly a year in Fram- ington, Connecticut. Then they were taken back to Sierra Leone, accompanied by missionaries hop- ing to spread the gospel among the Mendi tribesmen.
They met with tragedy when they returned to Africa. Cinque' found that his father, his wife, and his children all had been captured by rival tribes and sold into slavery. He returned to the interior and took over as chief of the town.
In 1846, four societies were created to further the cause of the Amistad captives. With the funds they had, they worked very hard to educate Black Americans. They founded Berea College, and before the civil war they founded Hamp- ton Institute. Throughout the cen- tury others associated to help build Howard, Fisk, Atlanta, Talladga, Le- Moyne, Tougaloo Dillard and Tillo- ston, colleges, and universities. A legacy to show a small band of slaves struggled so courageously for freedom.
LAURIE SPINELLI
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INTERVIEW WITH TON! CADE BAMBARA
by Deborah C. Jackson
What experiences influenced your decision to become a writer? Do you feel that you were given the gift to write.
I began story telling as a pre- reading child; that is, I would scrib- ble in the margins of nny daddy's newspapers and scrawl long unde- ciphrable tales on the white square of paper my mama's stocking came wrapped around. I never had any notion of 'career' or 'profession.' I simply wanted to learn things, travel, and train myself to be of service to the Black community. I've worked as a social worker, uni- versity professor, community or- ganizer — writing all the time. I came from a household that was supportive of any decision, act, or attitude that seemed to be based on good judgment. Had I decided to be a doctor, a circus clown, a space cadette, or a cop — I would've received the same non- intervention support. Ifs been clear to everyone around me throughout my life that I know what I'm doing and that I do not make decisions about my time, energy, and gifts based on any- thing, finally, but my own convic- tions about what my work in this world is. Writing is one of the ways I do my work in the world, one of the ways I participate in the development of the Black commu- nity, one of the ways I participate in the struggle against material/cul- tural/spiritual oppression.
You were born and raised in New York, what made you move to At- lanta?
I grew up in New York during the be-bop era, that polyrhythmic/en- ergetic period kicked off in the 40's when Dizzy Gillespie announced that the Black experience could not be rendered in 3/4 time. The 'voice' of my work has been, for a long time, 6/8 urbane be-bop in pitch and pace. Frequent sojourns to the South encouraged me to ex- pand my reportoire and include the gospel and blues modes. The Salt Eaters, for example, combines the jazz mode — the novel is struc- tured as a jazz suite — with the gospel and blues voice(s) and char- acters. That would not have been possible had I not a)written my way into it through stories like "The Survivor" in the Gorilla, My Love collection of 1972 and "The Organ- izer's Wife" in The Seabirds Are Still Alive collection of 1977 b)moved south in 1974 and observed and absorbed the particular pitch, pace, and voice of this place. On the rational side — I moved from New York to Atlanta because I had completed that phase of my work, namely, developing a cadre of young folk at City College and the Livingston campus of Rutgers Uni- versity, and was eager to relocate to a place where I could sit down and write without fear of starving to death without a job. On the in- tuitive side — I came to Atlanta be- cause it is a mystic city rich in meta- physical-training possibilities. Peo-
ple adept in clairvoyance, dream analysis, telepathy, healing, and precognition are in abundance here. It has a good place to both expand my vision and the afore- mentioned reportoire. In your book "The Salt Eaters" you write about spiritual powers, what part does mysticism have in your writing and are these forces real for you? In particular the character Velma is fighting between except- ing her spiritual powers and politi- cal beliefs. How do you explain her becoming her own making a choice?
The novel The Salt Eaters began as a lengthy entry in my journal. I had been observing over the years as a community worker, a cultural worker, that there is a gap be- tween that camp we might call our warriors — activists, guerilla historians, political theorists — and our medicine people — spiritualists, adepts in the mysteries. It stuck me as an unfortunate, wasteful, dan- gerous split. I jotted down some notes in an attempt to figure out why it is that, not since the Santo Domingo revolution — one of the most important revolutions of all times and the most neglected, not studied revolutions — have those two camps have not merged. It struck me then as it strikes me now that the split is an aspect of our op- pression, our having fallen under the spell of Western thinking that argues dialectical material historici- ty as though you can have a dialec- tic without the spiritual. The jour-
43
nal entries became longer and longer. I then attempted to write a simple short story about a Mardi Cras society that elects to re-enact an old slave insurrection as part of its festival pageantry. The story was to be a 'call' to Africans under the spell of European reductionism, a summons back to holism, the melding of the spiritual and the material realities, the sacred and the 'scientific' world view(s). Next thing I knew I had a novel on my hands, a novel in which I could make several calls for merging — through the Academy of the 7 Arts, a call to blend the spiritual/soci- al/political/etc; through the Infir- mary, the blending of traditional and modern medical practices, in short, the metaphysical approach to disease and disorder and the physical approach; through The Seven Sisters, a metaphor of both the Pleides constellation and the DNA molecule, a call to the daugh- ters of the ancient mother cultures to rescue each other from the con- straints of European hegemony and unite. Velma, who had been straddling the two camps and fallen into the gap, is rescued by two adepts, Minnie Ransom the healer and Sophie the wise wom- an. I am arguing throughout the book the necessity of resisting the bite of the serpent and becoming splintered. I am arguing the birth- right of wholeness, wholesome- ness.
Where do you get ideas for your books and do you use personal ex- periences or look into the black community for ideas? The critic Eleanor Traylor, whose piece on The Salt Eaters called "My Soul Looks Back In Wonder" {First World, Summer 1981) remains the most passionate and cogent discus- sion of the novel to date, has stated that my work in general is
an exploration of the Black com- munity, its mores, its preoccupa- tions, its modes. In the two vol- umes of short stories it is crystal- clear that I examine the terrain, physical and dynamic, in both anal- ytic terms of the ghetto and affec- tionate term.s of the community. It is my job, as I see it, to critique the deficiences and celebrate the vic- tories in an attempt to coax both myself and the reader to see more and dare more, in stories like "Go- rilla" and others in which the pro- tagonist/narrator is a young girl, the depictions of betrayal, of the viola- tion of the adult/child contract, were drawn, frequently, from ob- served injustices. For example, "Gorilla," the story of a girl whose uncle promised to marry her when she grew up, was triggered by an incident at a puppet show. Some kids in Brooklyn years ago were putting on a show. Lots of kids had come and were waiting. One or two parents had come and were waiting. The kids backstage were eager to begin. The program direc- tor went to the mike and said that the show would be delayed until "people come." The kids went into a slump. All along they had thought they were people, thought they counted. I went off, "How rude, how disrespectful . . . blah blah blah." On the subway going home I began to think of numerous examples that illustrate how grown ups de-spirit youngsters in a care- less way. "And don't even say they sorry," the story ends. What are your feelings on the Wayne Williams trial and how the media and police handled the slay- ings of the missing and murdered children?
I do not want to discuss the Atlanta situation. I'm working on that book now and would rather not dissi- pate my energy blabbering. I prefer
to invest that energy in getting the story out, the community's story, the story that never got told, the story whose edges were so distort- ed/eclipsed by the media and the cops' version of things that people throughout the country are asking all the wrong questions, like "Do you think Williams is guilty?" or "Do you think it was a fair trialT The book I am working on is not a whodunnit; I have no expertise in that area. It's a documentary narra- tive that reads like a novel in which I invite the reader to look at the Missing and Murdered Children case as one in a series of multiple killings that took place and is tak- ing place in Atlanta, to look at the case in light of what is happening throughout Blackamerica — the escalation of unprovoked attacks on Blacks physically, economically, culturally, politically — in hopes that a)we will begin to raise the correct questions b)will get more serious about establishing a com- munity organizer training institute c)establish a National Black Com- mission of Inquiry, a body we discussed forming after King's assassination d)establish a National Anti-Black Defamation League with muscle e)mount a National Chil- dren's Rights Movement. The ques- tion is not did Williams kill 2 out of the 28 on the 'official list" — no one raising questions about the 40 or so that never made it to the Task Force list. The question is, "Where are our armies and our naviesr Where our our investigative jour- nalists, our mobilizers and organizers, our combatants, our alarm clocks, our people with memories? I would prefer to get the book out before amnesia sets in and thoroughly befogs Atlan- ta. In all likelihood, the book will hit the stands as a Random House publication in Fall in 1982.
44
HAITIAN REFUGEES
byjalica Battle
Over the past decade, the Amer- ican government has had to deal with issues concerning the immigra- tion of refugees to the United States. One of the most frequent yet devi- ous of these issues is the severe problem of the Haitian refugees flocking into this country. For in- stance, back in 1977, all Haitians were granted work permits. Lists were drawn, complete with names and addresses of the illegal Haitian aliens in the United States. Thus, the identity of all those with no rec- ords of legal entry into the U.S. be- came known.
A wave of persecution ensued, and in 1978 the Immigration and Naturalization Service began to ar- rest and deport. In a new lawsuit the National Council of Churches suc- ceeded in having the deportation orders reversed.
By May of 1980, there was much pressure focused on Washington's reluctance to grant asylum to the desperate Haitian boat people, as was granted to thousands of Cuban refugees in the previous years. But, the U.S. had long insisted that, un- like the Cubans, the Haitians ille- gally pouring into the Florida coast- line were ineligible for asylum be- cause they were fleeing from eco- nomic conditions and not political repression.
With the admission of some 4,000 Cubans, civil-rights activists charged that the Cubans, who are mostly white, had been getting unwarranted preference over the Haitians, almost all of whom are black.
The United States denies any ra- cial connection. Stating that "to open the doors for the Haitians would force U.S. to admit unlimited numbers from other impoverished nations as well."
Some advocates admitted that Haitian refugees once contended that President Carter may have been reluctant to admit Haitians openly for fear of inviting trouble
with Haiti's President for Life, Jean- Claude Duvalier.
As many as 35,000 Haitians are believed to have entered the U.S. il- legally during the past decade. Ef- forts by the U.S. immigration au- thorities to hold back the invasion have been challenged in federal court by a coalition of civil-rights groups and the National Council of Churches. Lawyers for the refugees positively declared that the U.S. had been running an assembly-line sys- tem to deport the Haitians, denying them their rights.
More deportations were barred by a U.S. District Court in Miami until a determination as to whether Hai- tians would be entitled to political asylum.
An assistant to the manager of Dade County, Florida, was quoted as saying, "If this were high enough on the agenda of international prob- lems, it could be resolved easily. But as far as Washington is concerned, they are not here."
Eleven refugees who were herded through a quick immigration hear- ing in Miami on June of 1981, were the first to be sent home under the new U.S. policy of deporting all Hai- tians who had arrived illegally since mid-May of 1981. Following that de- portation, nearly one-hundred more Haitians, who had been found simi- larily unacceptable and ordered to leave, angrily awaited judicial re- views of their cases. They realized that if the Immigration and Natural- ization Service had its way, flights back to Haiti would become com- mon, and the surge of illegal Haitian immigrants could be staunched. Consequently, in December of 1981, a court freed the INS to throw out unauthorized Haitians.
So the intention of the new firmer measures is to rid the U.S. of the most recently arrived Haitian il- legals. But, the government also hopes to discouraged would-be im- migrants still in Haiti. Yet, no mat- ter how fast the U.S. deports the Haitians, their bleak prospects will doubtlessly continue to urge them
toward a country that does not want them.
Still, civil libertarians and social workers claim that the new INS policy which permits prefunctory, closed hearings, is unfair to the bewildered, mostly illiterate Hai- tians. Now critics challenge the gov- ernment's presumption that Haitians come here for economic reasons, so they are not ineligible for political asylum. On the other hand, most Cuban arrivals, are assumed to be fleeing from Communism. Some of the lawyers for the refugees charge that it's racist to single out Haitians, 95% of whom are black, for exclu- sion. A former leader of the Boston Haitian community, who now heads Miami's Haitian Refugee Center, stated that the Reagan Administra- tion's new immigration policy has in fact, singled out Haitian refugees because they are black. The INS, like many U.S. institutions has many ways to practice institutional racism.
The NAACP, the Congressional Black Causus, and others have joined in condemning a Reagan ex- ecutive order that the President hopes to make into law.
On September 29, 1981, Reagan issued the executive order establish- ing the interdiction (stopping and returning) of Haitian vessels on the high seas. Since then, the Coast Guard with the INS has been inter- dicting such vessels. Under INS op- erating procedure, each Coast Guard ship carries two INS officials and two interpreters. The officials interview the passengers, investigat- ing why they're leaving Haiti and where they're going. They return the vessel of they believe an offense against the U.S. policy is being com- mitted. The refugees aboard ship were not told of their rights to re- quest asylum.
Under a bill introduced in Con- gress on October 22, 1981, the ad- ministration wants to make law of the policy of interdiction and deten- tion of certain immigrants. The key parts of the 10-point plan would le-
45
galize interdiction; set up non-re- viewable asylum hearings and limit attorney participation in them; and establish an emergency provision under which the President could or- der the detention of any immigrant from a specified country.
Organizations and political lead- ers have reacted strongly to the Rea- gan bill and its apparent focus on the Haitians. The NAACP called the pohcy of interdiction, "a barbaric assault on human freedom." This policy may also violate the United States' UN commitments to political refugees.
A Democratic Republican from Washington, D.C., speaking on behalf of the 18-member Black Causus, said that the new Haitian policy coupled with the alarming U.S tih toward the racist govern- ment in South Africa ... are still all indicative of this administration's total disregard for the human rights of all black people.
American black leaders and the NAACP angrily called on the Rea- gan Administration (October, 1981) to end," a barbaric assault on hu- man freedom" by rescinding the in- terdiction order against Haitian boats loaded with illegal aliens bound for the United States.
At a news conference at NAACP' s headquarters in New York City (Oc- tober, 1981), the deputy executive director called for a Congressional inquiry into the plight of the Haitian refugees and said his organization would prepare a case for submission to the United Nations.
He also said the association would seek to determine," if there are vio- lations of international law taking place, as we believe there must be, when human rights of a people are so brazenly ignored."
In essence. The Vietnamese, East- ern Europeans, and particularly the Cubans all come to the United States and encounter no immigra- tion problems. They find jobs, send their children to school, and have access to housing and health care. On the contrary, the Haitians get nothing, but disdain and hatred.
SOLIDARITY DAY
by Phillip Martin
On September 19, 1981 about 200 UMass students, including myself, went to Washington, D.C. to ex- press outrage about the policies of the Reagan administration. More than a quarter of a million people were there protesting, on a day known as Solidarity Day. Thou- sands of people from all over the country participated and enjoyed themselves in a protest that was festive, as well as very serious.
This AFL-CIO sponsored protest, which began at the Washington monument, had 17 major speakers including Lane Kirkland president of the AFL-CIO. Coretta Scott King, president of the Martin Luther King center for non-violent social change, made a connection between this protest against the Reagan adminis- tration and the civil rights move- ment of the 1960's. "Let this demon- station be a clear signal to the law- makers that American working peo- ple of all races will not suffer in silence while the architects of reac- tion seek to shatter the hard-won social and economic gains of the last 50 years".
This protest marked the first time since the 1963 march on Washing- ton that the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organization (AFL-CIO) and the civil rights movement demonstrated such mutual support. It was em- phasized that the majority of Americans do not support President Reagan's programs. Reagonomics is designed to decentralize the federal government. This decentralization would have a tremendous effect on black people in this country. For ex- ample there would be no affir- mative action programs, and, when minorities were discriminated against, there would be virtually no place to go to for help. As it stands now the federal government acts as a medium to control such powers.
The primary reason for owning a business is to make profits. But sometimes businessmen become so obsessed and overwhelmed with making profits, they cannot be trusted. Therefore a set of mechan- isms are built to force them to be- have in a honest manner. One of
these mechanisms can be govern- ment. Without government inter- vention businessmen tend to disre- gard those who aren't as fortunate. Minorities in the United States are less fortunate than others. So this is indeed directly affecting the black population here in America. Ameri- ca is supposed to be the land of milk and honey were everyone has an equal chance to succeed. This will not happen if government doesn't intervene, because business corpo- rations will get greedy and try to subdue the proletariate. This is realized not only by the black popu- lation but by the American working class in general. The evidence is in the rally held on Solidarity Day in which energies were not focused toward rasism but, to abolishing tyrannical oppression. Historically blacks have always been concerned with this because they were being hated and discriminated against be- cause of color. Whites didn't realize that while they were discriminating against blacks the same game was being played on them. President Reagan has made it evident to both blacks and whites a like, that he supports business. During the era of an independent CIO which was 1935-1955, the CIO believed in equality. But in 1955 they merged with the AF of L, which did not have the same views concerning black people's equality.
In the days when the CIO was economically sound, they supported equality no matter what race creed or color. "Negro workers, join the CIO union in your industry. The CIO welcomes you. It gives you strength to win justice and fair play. The CIO unites you with fellow workers of all races and all creeds in the common struggle for freedom, for democracy, for a better life." The causes of the decline of CIO strength related to the AFL in the decade preceding their merger need not be addressed here. What is im- portant is that they demonstrated the degree to which the CIO de- pended on forces outside itself — in the economy and in the political ap- paratus — to achieve the kind of change in the economic status of Negro workers to which it was deeply committed in principle.
46
When these forces were favorable, the CIO could defy the AFL and suc- cessfully prove that it could deliver, at least to a degree, those im- provements which had never had real meaning for the AFL or most of its affiliates. But when these forces lost strength, particularly in politi- cal life, defiance became a hollow and, possibly, a dangerous gesture. In essence what this is saying is that the CIO supported civil rights, the AFL did not.
In 1955 when the two merged, the AFL had a dominant sense of views concerning equality. This resulted in the formation of the Negro Amer- ican Labor Council which more than a thousand Negros in labor unions formed as a way of combat- ing the forces compelled against them. The truth is the CIO policies and, attitudes on race had lost signif- icance before the merger. "At the same time, in industries where both AFL and CIO unions were actively organizing. The CIO's zeal for racial progress was often dampened by the presence of an AFL rival pre- pared to accommodate itself to local race prejudice; in these cases, quite often, CIO unions soft-pedaled their characteristic approach to race and accepted practices they would nor- mally have criticized. The conclu- sion seems inescapable that the CIO did much to change the rhetoric of our society's response to social evils, but less to alter permanently the substance of this response." In other words the CIO gave blacks the hope that unionism might offer a means to equality. Moreover when reinforcement was needed the CIO was nowhere to be found. By the time of the AFL-CIO merger blacks were becoming very disappointed with the CIO.
In the early 60's blacks began to emphasize that they were demand- ing, not begging, white union leaders for their rights. The rela- tions between black and white unionist were symbolized by those between George Meany, president of the AFL-CIO, and A. Philip Ran- dolph, the recognized spokesman for black unionist. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who spoke at the 1962 U. A. W. convention, noted the similarities between the civil rights movement and the labor struggle. "There are more ties of kinship be- tween labor and the Negro people than tradition . . . Negros need the
same measures, even more desper- ately . . . Labor needs a wage — hour bill . . . labor needs housing legisla- tion . . . Negroes need housing legis- lated also. Labor needs an adequate old-age medical bill and so do Ne- gros . . . what labor needs, Negroes need; and simple logic therefore puts us side by side in the struggle for all elements in a decent standard of living".
Even though the CIO claimed that they supported the civil rights movement, in actuality both the AFL and the CIO were not on favorable terms with the black com- munity. This was partly due to the- fact that blacks never did favor the AFL. When the two unions merged the AFL had two-thirds of the offi- cial governing positions including the presidency. "The N.A.A.C.P. charged the AFL-CIO unions with
(1) excluding Negroes by constitu- tional provision and tacit consent;
(2) discriminating against Negroes on job referrals; (3) maintaining separate lines of promotion which limited Negroes to menial jobs; and (4) maintaining segregated or aux- iliary locals. Also some of the main factors concerning the N.A.A.C.P. and the AFL-CIO came from person- al conflicts between the leaders of both organizations. The AFL-CIO leaders were disturbed with the N.A.A.C.P. charges because "The labor movement has done more for the Negro, with all its shortcom- ings, than any other group. No other organization, such as the National Association of Manufacturers and the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, have civil rights com- mittees".
In contrasting the AFL-CIO with the civil rights movement two Black leaders come to mind. W.E.B. Dubois and Booker T. Washington, both of whom were concerned with the education and welfare of Blacks. Dr. Dubois was considered more radical because of the fact he demanded equal rights. On the other hand Booker T. Washington wanted to hold off on equality until hardwork, industrial education and alliances' with employers improved their economic position relative to whites. When analyzing both men's views it seems that the AFL-CIO was more inclined to share those of Booker T. Washington. Thus the N.A.A.C.P. inherit the more radical view of W.E.B. Dubois.
By 1955 blacks considered the radical approach to be much better. The CIO was professing to support civil rights, when in actuality they were not actively giving that sup- port. For the most part Blacks, and the N.A.A.C.P. in particular, did not appreciate this.
In conclusion it seems that the AFL-CIO has supported the civil rights movement in recent years. Both are struggling for the same cause. "What labor needs, Negroes need, and simple logic puts us side by side". This is most evident in the march that took place on September 19, 1981, in Washington, D.C. The day known as Solidarity Day, in which blacks and whites, unions and non-unionist, churches, col- leges, students, teachers, leaders and followers from all over the country joined in Solidarity, and thereby stressed the fact that Amer- ica is a democracy which is run by the people. This is our country the land of the free and the home of the brave.
FOOTNOTES
All footnotes are gathered from the
Black Workers and Organized Labor
written by Bracey — Meier — Rud-
wick.
1 The CIO and The Negro Worker. Together For Victory — CIO pub- lication no. 63.
2 Black Workers and Organized Labor — Bracey — Meier — Rud- wick
3 Martin Luther King Jr. 1962 U.A.W.
4 In The South, N.A.A.C.P. charged
5 Charles Zinnerman chairman of the AFL-CIO Civil Rights Com- mittee
47
Sisters . . .
continued from page 35
Everyone laughs and agrees with her.
"Yes, but they don't view women as a threat," continued Jean, "not even their own women. But when we liberate ourselves, our men shall stand there beside us."
Angelcalisha adds, "Well, I hope they will. Quite a few will stand by their women."
"Well, honey don't worry about those fools," advised Mrs. Johnson. "I've always heard that the blacker the berry the sweeter the juice and they'll find that out." Again the room is filled with laughter as the women begin to feel more comfor- table and settle down in a deep conversation. Finally, the laughter subsides and the serious mood now controls the atmosphere.
A large woman then enters the discussion. She is very dark and very beautiful. She looks comforta- ble in her jeans and sweater. She wears no make-up, apparently pre- ferring the natural look. She says, "My name is Lydia and I have a man problem too, I can't find one." At this moment, laughter again fills the room. "But not only that ," she continues, "1 can't find friends either. People are anti-fat. People seem to ignore me unless they are making fun of me. They don't realize that fat people have feel- ings too. So, I am alone most of the time. I'm just a plain Black fat woman. I am not a raving beauty, very talented nor brilliant Black woman. I don't smoke weed, take pills or drink. I am not rich nor do I rub noses with those in high places. So I guess everyone thinks I am a big bore, when I say big I don't use the term lightly. But I am a lot of fun, only I don't get the chance to prove it. I wonder would all be better if I was skinnyr
"Not necessarily" answers Angel- calisha. "I am skinny and I have problems too. I think that Americans place too much em- phasis on looks. There is this pic- ture of the perfect woman, or man, perfect weight, height, size and all and so many people spend a life
time trying to be like that image. We as Black people have also adapted this idea and we too have come to judge beauty much dif- ferently than our ancestors."
"That's true," says Jeanette, "because I can relate to that. Your hair, skin, and everything has to be just right. Everyone wants to be a model or look like one. You would think that people would realize that everyone is not made the same size and shape."
"Yea, and what makes one so much betteKn the other," adds Deborah.
A cold looking woman then adds her thoughts, "I've seen all the things you all have been discuss- ing. But 1 decided long ago not to let anybody use me, no man, no white folks, nobody. I have never cried for nothing. 1 have never cared about being accepted or popular. I make my own party and dance to my own music. I'm not saying that everybody can do that and I am not saying that its the best way to be, but if s comfortable for me. I can't be bothered with the hassles. My coldness is not a defense mechanism either, in case someone wants to pull that psych jive on me. It's a survival mechanism, baby, and I mean to survive."
Jeanette then turns to an elderly woman and asks, "What do you think about all this? You have been very quiet."
The hard work and hardships shows on the old woman's face. The wrinkles in her face are more like decorative lines. Her hands are scarred and the skin has been torn and bruised many time. Her hair is almost all gray but is beauty in the wonder of age. She speaks slowly, "Well, I tell you, I have worked all my life. I have scrubbed floors, wash clothes, carried wood, pick cotton, tote coal and most ever- thing else. I didn't have no edu- cation but I wanted my chilluns to git it. I went to church and I believe in the Lord. No matter what these hea folks say nowadays, I still be- lieves in the Lord, 'cause he has brought me a mightly long way.
Now a lot done happen to our peoples. It 'pears like the worl' we live in has us so mixed up, 'til we don' know where we headed. We've been divided every since we been heK. We must lurn to love and respect each other, thafs it. I hear 'bout womens rights and I laugh. I been doing mens work all my life and a many Black women has been doing it too. But we still didn't get paid no better. See my hands, these scars came from workin' in the foundry. I could do anythin' a man could do in my day and 'bout could do better some of these younguns now. But it was good to have a man who knowed dat you had to work, but still 'predated you and stuck by you and your chilluns. So you see I've seen those things /all talkin' 'bout. But we's strong women and its time for us to take a stand. Don't give up. Our mamas made it and we have to make and our daughters will have to make it."
The other women are as if they were cast under a spell by the words of the old woman. Now there is total silence and they all seem to be miles away as they sit in a pensive mood. The strength of the words spoken by the old wom- an seem to pierce the hearts and minds of all of them. Everything was summarized by the old wom- an. Jean finally looks from one woman to the other and sees them in their different worlds but also in the same world. There is a special glow on her face as she smiles for now she knows that she can de- pend on these women. She finally speaks, "I am so happy that you all decided to come. But this is only the beginning. We can share our experiences with other young Black women no matter what walk of life they are in. We can provide them with support that they may not have had in this cruel cold world."
They all agree with Jean. Jean then adds, "This center shall me more than a center, but a home for the thoughts and needs of Black women. And thafs the way it should be for we are all sisters!"
48
YEAR OF CIVILITY
Vote: On December 6, 1979 the 'Chancellor of the University ofMassa- â– husetts at Amherst announced the brmation of the Commission on Civili- y in Human Relations; a 16 member mdy charged with identifying and re- icting to allegations of racism, sexism md anti-semitism at the institution, ^he following is an assessment of its brmation, actions and problems, as veil as, the conditions that created it md those that will spell its success or ailure.
A banner flew again in the streets )f Boston "In Memory of William F. Vtkinson" on Monday, March 22, .982. It drew attention to the death )f another Black resident of that ra- :ially divided city that continues to ake lives because its "covenant" :an't seem to contain its racial vio- lence. Racial conflicts also flared at Charlestown High where on Sep- tember 28, 1979 Darryl Williams was shot and totally paralyzed by a white youth. The calls for justice fall on deaf ears, the champions of civil- ization still lay sleep in a coma of apathy and self-interest. Boston tried its "Covenant" campaign to rouse the slumbering populous from the unconsciousness of racial intol- erance but the convenant failed.
Death moved behind the sun from East and West and visited its chilly hands on Amherst, Massachusetts. September, 1978 semester opened with the murder of Seta Rampersad; a Black UMass senior whose naked, bruised body was found in a South Deerfield motel room. Incidents be- gan to increase with the maiming of Jill Dickensen, the death of Jose Pontes, fires set to a black student mural and the Afro- American Stud- ies Department and numerous other acts of racial violence flared as a rag- ing storm. Yet in Amherst, no offi- cials took action, no covenant was consummated.
A "campaign to combat racism" was formed by students, faculty and staff at the University to deal with the rapid rate of racial violence. Stu- dents noted that on 5-7-79, the ad- ministration claimed they "stand ready to act decisively and we call upon the entire campus community to join us in our crusade to eradicate racism, sexism and violence of any sort." However, the crusaders steered a ship with no rudder and
by Tony Crayton
sails without wind on a crusade of silence and inactivity. The deaths went unpunished, the assaults un- answered and the fires burned a brand on Amherst like its name- sake; the smallpox murderer Lord Jeffrey. No crusade to eradicate ra- cism or sexism ever materialized. They had captains without a crew and the flag ship Amherst charted a course for retrenchment.
On April 27, 1979 the "Campaign to Combat Racism" called a press conference to announce its pro- posals to address the problems of racial violence at UMass. The organ- izers; Stan Kinard of the Third World Affairs Office, Doug Morton of the Student Center for Educa- tional Research and Advocacy and a number of students from the Center for Racial Studies and the Third World Women's Task Force, called for proposals on curriculum reform naming of buildings after Third World people and investigations into the case of Seta Rampersad. Out of that campaign came a full time position dealing with Anti- Racism work to further coordinate the efforts.
Despite this effort, it still pro- duced no action by the administra- tion or faculty Governance groups. Administrative action was to be in- itiated not by this rapidly dis- sapating group of Anti-Racist or- ganizers, but by an unexpected group of faculty called the Jewish Faculty Interest Group.
They met with Henry Koffler; the UMass Chancellor, on December 3rd 1979; concerned over anti- semitism on campus. In a press release they cited a "regular appear- ance of anti-semitric articles and ed- itorials in the Collegian; the student newspaper and Nummo News; a Third World publication distributed in the Collegian. They claimed that the anit-semitic articles created "a climate in which Jewish students live in intimidation and fear."
Many Third World students were angered by the attempt to identify Nummo News as anti-semitic, par- ticularly by a faculty group that was all white and never heard of before. Third World faculty had an equal feeling of suspicion about the fingers pointing and most remain to this day outside of any involvement with the events that were to unfold.
On December 6th 1979, before the Faculty Senate, Chancellor Kof- fler announced the creation of the Commission on Civility in Human Relations as a response to the Jewish faculty group's meeting three days before. The Commission was charged with addressing issues of racism, sexism as well as anti- semitism. An impatient Jews Facul- ty Interest group then waited and prodded for the announced Com- mission to be named. They publical- ly criticized the "absence of ad- ministrative commitment to the Judaic Studies Program," and they accused Koffler of taking a position of non-support "for the program they felt was "withering away."
It took Koffler two months to for- mally announce the creation of the Commission of 18 members and se- lect their names. It was "charged with identifying incidents and ex- pressions of racism, sexism, anti-se- mitism and other inhumane actions and attitudes on the Amherst cam- pus." The press release issued by the Chancellor's office cited "re- ports of several anti-semitic inci- dents as the reason for the creation of the Commission." Since many still believe that the "reported inci- dents" are suspect, it seems more plausible that the "civility" (polite- ness) effort was also to offset the "Zoo Mass" image made more fam- ous by the notorious article: "UMass Horrors" by Megan Marsh-
49
all. In the highly circulated Boston Magazine article, Marshall de- scribes the UMass campus as resem- bling "an urban slum" where "vio- lence is epidemic." She painted a picture of a campus where "every student has friends who were mugged, raped or even killed." Add the UMass Horrors to the Hallo- ween vandalism of 15,000 dollars damage and the racial violence and the blend of exaggeration and fact produced a "Civility" Commission. The Chair of the Commission was picked along with a distingished and not so distinguished list of faculty. On February 14, 1980 with Zoology professor; Dethier as Chair, the Commission began to conquer the "Zoo Mass" jungle and bring "Civility" to the campus communi- ty. Many from the Campaign to Combat Racism sat and waited.
The Chancellor's Commission soon came out with their first report on the origins and purpose of the commission and its recommenda- tions. It became clear from its skeletal summary that something good could take root. They divided into five work committees; Campus Involvement, Education, Student Support Service, Physical Environ- ment and Residential Life.
They recommended five objec- tives: one; the establishment of an Office of Human Relations, Curricu- lum Reform through integration of courses dealing with racism, sexism and anti-semitism for all students; citing the curriculum proposal by the Campaign to Combat Racism, a Lecture Series, Micro-College on civility and campus wide activities.
It was through the idea of the Micro-College that the Commis- sion's coordinating committee came to being and remains as the princi- ple body that gives credibility to the effort. Two hundred people attend- ed the June 5, 1981 conference and divided into 9 work groups. They recommended that the next Fall se- mester be referred to as the begin- ning of the "Year Toward Civility" and it would officially begin Sep- tember 24th, the date of the Convo- cation ceremony. They also planned to hold "Awareness Days" of lec- tures, workshops, concerts, ex- hibits, and other special programs. Chancellor Koffler announced in a memo dated 3-18-81 further details of the Commission's work and di- rected Vice Chancellor Madson's of-
fice to prepare the Rules and Regu- lations manual to reflect sanctions for violations regarding civility issues. That however never oc- curred. They only real change was the Civility logo on the cover and it continued to demonstrate that "Civility" was for students to change not the administrators themselves.
The June Micro-College produced however, a broad spectrum of staff, students and faculty work groups that energetically began to imple- ment the recommendations drafted. By the beginning of the semester a "Civility" Logo was designed with a dove whose wings extended to hands with t-shirts, posters and logos stating "Human Rights Start Here." The Academic Resources Work Group produced a "Guide to Undergraduate Courses on the Issues of Racism, Sexism and Anti- Semitism" that was made available for September registration. The Training Resources Work Group published an extensive list called the "Training and Program Re- sources Guide" for specialists in civility issues. The "Awareness Days" programs were organized by the Special Activities and Programs Work Group as well as plans for a Civility Lecture Series. "The Year Toward Civility" was ready to begin.
It should be noted however, the civil environment under which this "Year Toward CiviUty" began, since that environment paints a pic- ture of its timeliness as well as its tardiness in producing an institu- tional response to "incivility."
1979 and 1980 were years of previously mentioned racial turmoil in Amherst that was part of a trend that had been occurring on a yearly basis prior to that period. The year 1981 began as no exception. The Chronicle of Higher Education; Jan. 12, 1981 had a front page lead arti- cle entitled "New Outbreaks of Cross Burnings and Racial Slurs Worries Colleges," by Lorenzo Mid- dleton. Death threats, racially de- rogatory graffiti and cross-burnings surged across New England col- leges. Harvard, Purdue, Wesleyan, Cornell Universities, as well as, Williams College and others were plagued with racist activity re- flecting the general upsurge across the nation. It mirrored the 22 caliber murders in New York, the fear from
the 28 murdered children in Atlanta and the 8 state sniper murders of Blacks by avowed racist Joseph Franklin. It also reflected the tide of anit-Black sentiment aroused by the first President to be officially en- dorsed by the ku-klux-klan; Ronald Reagan or "Ray-gun," who began his term overturning bussing orders, dismantling the Office of Civil Rights, cutting the Legal Services Corp., Welfare, Food Stamps, Fi- nancial Aid, Voter Rights and nu- merous other government safe- guards for minority rights. Third World people and the poor were falling like stones through Reagan's supposed "safety net." Colleges and Universities throughout New England all reacted to the racism as "drunken pranks" or didn't react at all by looking at student responses as sufficient show that it "galvan- ized" their communities instead of dividing them.
Vincent Dethier; chairman of the Civility Commission was quoted as saying that the Commission was "considering a recommendation that would require all students to at- tend some type of program designed to develop an awareness of the rights and sensibilities of other peo- ple." Harvard University's Dean Archie Epps condemned the inci- dents and initiated a study of race relations at Harvard and Frank Rhodes; president of Cornell claimed that his administration gave a high priority to such issues.
Institutional policy or curriculum changes did not occur however, at any of these Colleges or Universities embarrassed by the racist activities of their communities of "higher learning." It was to come from a small private school; Mount Hol- yoke College through the work of their Committee on a Multi-Racial Community. They got the the col- lege to approve through their facul- ty a curriculum change that re- quired all students to take a "Third World Course Requirement." They sought and secured a curriculum change that they felt was identified in the "Principles of the College, for a common language of educated awareness, (and) rational discourse ... in a diverse and increasingly divided world."
The "Year Toward Civility"
began September 25, 1981, within a
background environment of racial
continued on page 55
50
JAMAICA AND THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND
by Stephanie Glenn
ABSTRACT
This article will examine the political and economic conditions under which the International Mon- etary Fund (IMF) approves short- term loans for developing third world nation-states. The Caribbean island of Jamaica will be used as a case in point to illustrate the economic, as well as political pow- er, of the IMF. This case study will also examine the strained relations which existed between the Fund and former Prime Minister Michael Manley, and contrast it to the amiable relationship which Prime Minister Edward Seaga has estab- lished with this international lend- ing agency. The socio-economic and political viewpoints of both Manley and Seaga will be compared to ex- emplify the thesis that the Fund has institutionalized an economic policy which fosters dependency and therefore is more receptive to the pro-foreign investment policy of Prime Minister Edward Seaga, than it was to the democratic socialist ideology of Michael Manley. BACKGROUND
A former British colony since 1655, Jamaica became a politically independent nation-state on August 6, 1961. Norman W. Manley, Mi- chael Manley' s father, was Prime Minister of Jamaica from 1955 to 1962. From 1962 to 1968, Jamaica's foreign policy "was oriented toward creating the conditions favourable to foreign investors and perpetuat- ing inherited ties of economic and political dependence."' As Wendell Bell in Independent Jamaica Enters World Politics states:
"From 1968 through 1971 it was tran- sitional becoming more venturesome in wanting new diplomatic relations and exploring a widened conception of alternative possibilities within the context of a growing sense of national identity. This was symbolized by the beginning of diplomatic relations with Ethiopia in 1968. From 1972 to the present it has been largely promo- tive, aimed at creating 'a new equilib- rium between domestic and interna- tional demands by changing both arguments.' "^
In 1972 and 1976 Michael Manley was chosen by the People's National Party as the Prime Minister of Ja- maica. Manley espoused the politi- cal platform of 'democratic social- ism' and while in office he estab- lished "open" diplomatic relations with Cuba, attempted to effectively coordinate Caribbean regional mar- kets and nationalized the bauxite in- dustries in Jamaica.
In 1972 diplomatic relations opened between Cuba and Jamaica. In addition to a number of technical exchanges and reciprocal visits be- tween the two nation-states, then Prime Minister Manley visited Cuba in July of 1975. Although Manley denied that his relationship with President Fidel Castro of Cuba was an indication that Jamaica was mov- ing toward communism, western fi- nance ministers within the Interna- tional Monetary Fund became sus- picious of his intentions and cau- tiously observed Jamaica's foreign policy vis a vis Cuba. (During his lecture at the University of Massa- chusetts on February 16, 1982, Manley clearly stated that he recog- nizes and respects Cuba's right to exist).
Wendell Bell believes that Manley had economic and political motives other than communism, although "minor reciprocal agreements, like an exchange of students and crafts- men between the two countries, has been sighted as proof of a move by the administration toward Commu- nism."^ Bell in Independent Jamaica Enters World Politics states:
"Jamaica increasingly sought new relationships of trade, technical as- sistance, loans and direct aid from Communist in the mid-1970's. Jamai- ca like other small states, no longer felt that it must stay in one super- power's orbit or the others."''
Nevertheless, Manley's warm foreign policy toward Cuba and his close ties with Castro was perceived by western IMF ministers as dan- gerous. Eventually, Manley's rela- tions with Castro affected the "con- ditions" of the aid which Jamaica sought from the International Mone- tary Fund. In The Politics of Change, former
Prime Minister Manley espouses his belief that Third World nation-states must go beyond their ideologies as well as rhetoric and collectively study, formulate and implement "specific programmes of action. "^ He advocates the principle of self- reliance through "the exploration of every single possibility of trade as between Third World countries to reduce dependency on developed market economies."^ Furthermore, Manley suggest that Third World nation-states should create their "own institutions for savings and development . . . and begin to ex- change information about technol- ogy since their own technological discoveries are often more likely to be relevant to each other's problems than the discoveries of more ad- vance nations."''
In 1973, greatly influenced by Manley's economic and political viewpoints, the finance ministers of Guyana, Barbados, Jamaica, Trini- dad and Tobago established the Caribbean Common Market or CARICOM. This organization pur- sued policies of regional economic cooperation.
In the late 1960's, multinational corporations entered Jamaica's economy by acquisition and in com- petition with local entrepreneur's. Since the late 1960's multinational corporations have become powerful economic instruments and presently receive one-fifth of the world's Gross National Product (GNP). Con- trary to the statements of multina- tional advocates, these corporations do not redistribute global wealth, nor do they provide technically high paying employment for any signifi- cant portion of a developing coun- tries population. The only benefici- aries of multinational corporations are the corporate executives and technicians and, as exemplified by the case of the Jamaican bauxite in- dustry, the elite class within a developing nation-state. As stated by Bell, "multinational corporations . . . rival or exceed in wealth, power, expertise and maneuverability the governments of many of the states in which they operate. "^
In the late 1960's Jamaica became
51
the leading bauxite and aluminum producer in the international trade system and presently is the second largest exporter of bauxite — Aus- tria is first.
In pursuit of his eco-political phi- losophy of democratic socialism, "one of the first acts of the new PNP regime in 1972 was the creation of a National Bauxite Commission whose functions included making recommendations to increase the contribution from bauxite to the country's development."' In re- sponse to the economic power which the bauxite industries at- tained in Jamaica, in 1974 former Prime Minister Manley decided to renegotiate its contracts with the bauxite and alumina companies. In- volved were six companies which controlled directly or indirectly seventy-six percent of the world's aluminum production in 1974 and were the sole buyers in Jamaica. These multinational corporations were Reynolds, Alcoa, Alcan, Kaiser, Amaconda and Revere.
Jamaica's negotiations with the bauxite multinationals were not suc- cessful. Consequently Manley placed a production levy (which was approved by the House of Rep- resentatives) on all bauxite mined in Jamaica. Eventually Manley nation- alized the bauxite industries in Jamaica. — "the model clearly, was the Organization of Petroleum Ex- porting Countries, although without some of the geopolitical overtones. The advent of democratic socialism in 1974 was to an important degree an effort of the Jamaican govern- ment to control Jamaica's resources and their exploitation by foreign multinational corporations, especi- ally by the bauxite and alumina companies. On this, as well as on other issues, domestic and foreign policies merged as one."'°
While Manley attempted to liber- ate his country from foreign eco- nomic control, Jamaica's economy suffered from severe inflation, high unemployment, high oil prices, a food storage and an increasing bal- ance of payments deficit. On June 9, 1976 the prime ministers of Barba- dos, Guyana, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago agreed on a loan of $80 million dollars to lessen Jamaica's foreign exchanged difficulties.
As the social, political and econ- omic conditions in Jamaica wors- ened (illustrated by a decline in
tourism and the flight of businesses) Manley' s relationship with Castro became more pronounced. "The in- vestors began to get nervous, and a capital flight started . . . incited by Mr. Manley's gestures to the left, the capital flight continued and, as the debate mounted, the banks be- gan to cut off the loans. It was only then, as a desperate last resort, that Manley turned to the IMF.''^'
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is the most powerful interna- tional lending institution in the in- ternational eco-political system to- day. It provides short-term financial assistance primarily to those nation- states in the Third World whose economies have been severly de- vasted by inflation, high unemploy- ment rates, high oil prices, food crises and balance of payments def- icits.
Although Manley realized that his nation's economy desperately need- ed foreign aid, he was unwilling to accept the "condition" of the IMF's aid, specifically in regard to the fol- lowing: programme aid; stand-by ar- rangements; the "Letter of Intent"; and the stabilization programme.
Programme aid gives the Interna- tional Monetary Fund control over the entire economic programme of the recipient nation-state. More- over, when a poor developing coun- try such as Jamaica is in urgent need of monetary aid it is forced to rely upon the IMF's stand-by arrange- ments. However, before any aid is given, fiery negotiations take place between the needy country's top financial officials (usually) the Minister of Finance and the Gover- nor of the Central Bank) and IMF representatives, who must visit the affected country. Additionally, the IMF's finance minister consult with all the Executive Directors most concerned with that particular country, including always the U.S. director." 12
The Fund's representatives have de facto power to negotiate on its behalf and their decisions are rarely overruled in Washington. Further- more, in order to qualify for as- sistance from the IMF, the borrow- ing country's officials are guided by the Fund's representatives in draft- ing a "Letter of Intent." The Letter affirms the promises made during the negotiations and includes "ex- change rate practices, import regu- lations, control of the domestic
budget deficit, bank credit con- trol"'^ and favorable policies to- ward foreign capital investment. Ac- cording to Cheryl Payer in The Debt Trap, the "Letter of Intent' often contains very specific quantitative commitments for many of these items; it is understood that if the government fails to keep the com- mitments in its Letter of Intent, its right to borrow under the standby arrangement will be suspended.""
The stabilization programme re- sults in the take-over of domes- tically owned business by multina- tionals, thus transferring resources within poor countries from domes- tic to foreign ownership. The closing of domestic businesses in turn causes unemployment. Essentially, the stabilization programme at- tempts to prevent economic and political instability. Most of all, the stabilization programme guarantees that the borrowing state can "manage its foreign exchange poli- cies with the minimum recourse to restrictions on payments, which would damage primarily foreign in- vestors and suppliers of the country's imports. "'^
Thus the International Monetary Fund's "conditions" for Jamaica to qualify for short-term loans was in direct conflict with Manley's and the People's National Party's eco- nomic, social and political view- points. The governing body of the People's National Party recom- mended that Jamaica's finance minister Eric Bell cease negotiations for loan assistance from the IMF. Consequently, Bell resigned on March 25, 1980 and commerical banks declined to extend further loans to Jamaica until talks with the International Monetary Fund were resumed. Finally, because Manley could not accept the Fund "condi- tions" of loan assistance, Jamaica withdrew from the Fund in March of 1980.
According to Hobart Rowen, Ja- maica was receiving approximately one hundred million dollars a year and "attracting perhaps an addi- tional $90 million from other sources encouraged the IMF's presence. "16 By 1978, as a result of heavy borrowing from international commercial banks, Jamaica's exter- nal borrowings totaled approximate- by $1.1 billion, while its total GDP was only $3 billion.
continued on page 54
52
Dear Friend,
Very shortly, the State Dept. will be rendering its advisory opinion on Professor Dennis Brutus' appli- cation for political asylum in the United States. After reviewing the State Dept.'s opinion, the Immigra- tion and Naturalization Service will set a hearing date for Dennis Bru- tus, at which time his right to polit- ical asylum will be pronounced by an Immigration Judge.
As a result of his relentless op- position to apartheid in South Afri- ca, if Dennis Brutus, internationally acclaimed poet, scholar, and hu- man rights advocate, loses the right to asylum , his life will be placed in serious jeopardy. If de- ported to Zimbabwe, Professor Brutus will be in danger at the hands of the South African Secret Police who are operating in that country. If deported to South Afri- ca, he will be immediately jailed under the terms of an exit-permit he was required to sign upon being
exiled by the South African apart- heid government.
Professor Brutus' possible depor- tation does nof only concern him as an individual; but concerns all of us opponents of apartheid and ra- cism. The Reagan-Crocker policy of coddling up to the minority apart- heid regime of South Africa, is the "silent" motivation behind Dennis Brutus' possible deportation.
. . ."Far more is at stake, however, than providing relief to an individual who ran afoul of the INS bureaucracy. To deport Pro- fessor Brutus, would, I believe, send to the world a message of sympathy on the part of our gov- ernment for the South African re- gime that imprisioned him for the "crime" of opposing that racist sys- tem. . . ." (Sen. Howard M. Metzen- baum)
It is up to us to make certain that the message is never sent. We must not let our countr/s link with apartheid be strengthened. In the
name of freedom and human rights, it is very important to express solidarity with Dennis Brutus; and to be present in the courtroom on the day of his hearing. By support- ing Dennis Brutus; right to political asylum in the U.S., we will weaken our country's dangerous alliance with racism and apartheid, effects of which are felt both here and in South Africa.
The choice is ours. With your help we will all win. Without your help, we will all lose. Please for- ward your name and address to the Dennis Brutus Defense Ctte., so that we can keep you informed of the details of this crucial case. With sincere thanks for your efforts and support.
Fraternally,
PROF. JAN CAREW
Co-Convenor: Dennis Brutus
Defense Ctte. P.O. Box 59364, Chicago, IL
60659
pholo by Edward Cohen
SOME HOW WE SURVIVE
Somehow we survive
and tenderness, frustrated, does not wither.
Investigating searchlights rake our naked unprotected contours;
over ouP heads the monolithic decalogue of facist prohibition glowers and teeters for a catastrophic fall;
boots club the peeling door.
But somehow we survive severance, deprivation, loss
Patrols uncoil along the asphalt dark hissing their menace to our lives,
most cruel, all our land is scarred with terror,
rendered unlovely and unlovable;
sundered are we and all our passionate surrender
but somehow tenderness survives.
by Dennis Brutus
53
Jamaica . . .
continued from page 52
According to a speech Manley made at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York City, Jamaica's exter- nal debt would be financed by oil producers in the Middle East and the certain European countries. In- cluded in Manley' s non-IMF debt fi- nancing was as follows:
"a $50 million loan from Libya, balance of payment support from two members of the Organization of Pe- troleum Exporting Countries worth $13 million, a $25 million loan from the Netherlands, an immediate line of credit from Venezuela worth $10 million, import financing of $8 mil- lion from West Germany and a $2 million loan from Sweden would help Jamaica avoid 'a predicted collapse of the country's economy' as a result of the termination of talks with the IMF.""
Prior to Jamaica's withdrawal from the International Monetary Fund, former Prime Minister Man- ley on February 4, 1980, called for an earlier election to seek a mandate for his Socialist policies. Represent- ing the People's National Party Manley continued to advocate his philosophy of democratic socialism. Manley' s opponent, Edward Seaga, on the other hand, was a conserva- tive who advocated anti-commu- nism.
On October 30, 1980, Edward Seaga defeated Michael Manley by gaining 53.4 percent of the votes, compared to Manley' s 46.6 percent. Seaga' s Jamaican Labor party won 51 out of 60 seats in Parliament, while the People's National Party (PNP) won the remaining nine seats. Seaga's victory ended Manley's eight year office as Prime Minister and his "open" foreign policy ideology. Manley "bitterly declared that his defeat was the penalty for challenging the power of the West- ern economic structure. He holds that the United States and the Inter- national Monetary Fund deliberate- ly strangled the Jamaican economy to punish its leftist politics and, especially its warm economic rela- tions with Cuba."!^
In an interview with Warren Brown of the Washington Post, the Boston-born, Harvard-educated Seaga stated: I would think that our own economic thinking would be more in concurrence with the eco- nomic principles of the Reagan ad-
ministration in terms of encourage- ment of private enterprise and the principle of reward for private in- centive." Indeed Seaga's pro-busi- ness capitalist economics and poli- tics are distinctly opposite from the domestic and foreign policy of for- mer Prime Minister Manley and the People's National Party.
Immediately after his victory, Prime Minister Seaga called for the expulsion of Cuban Ambassador Ulises Estrada whom he considered "a symbol of Cuban influence. "^o in Jamaica. Furthermore, one of the most vital components of Seaga's foreign policy was to establish friendly diplomatic relations with the Reagan Administration and to resume negotiations with the IMF in order to restore Jamaica's economy by creating a healthy environment for foreign investment. (Seaga is a former finance minister and this has aided him in encouraging bankers, investors and IMF representatives to make short-term loans to Jamai- ca's poor economy.)
Although the International Mone- tary Fund has a more liberal lending policy towards Seaga's government, it will be able to provide only about half of the monetary resources needed to restore Jamaica's econom- ic viability. It is projected that the Fund will lend Jamaica approxi- mately $180 milUon dollars a year for three years, while encouraging supplemental bilateral support, especially from the United States. Moreover, the IMF's new loan to Jamaica "does not require a devalu- tion, as the IMF did when Manley was Prime Minister and does not in- volve wage control guidelines as the earlier agreements did."^'
The United States has made avail- able $60 million in loans and $1.5 million in military sales. Peter Gavin of Corporate Finance of Washington stated in a lecture on April 9, 1980, that Congress is will- ing to approve of military aid rather than development assistance, be- cause the former is much more ur- gent for U.S. national interest.
In spite of all the friendly gestures and loan promises made by the IMF, the World Bank, the U.S. and commercial banks, no pledge for "pure" untied aid has been pro- posed. (In Europe after World War II the World Bank or the Interna- tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development provided the devasta-
ted European economies with direct untied aid. This enabled European economies to avoid external debts and high interest rates charged by the World Bank.) The loans which Seaga's government has accepted from the IMF must be repaid at high interest rates, which in many in- stances, doubles or triples the original external debt position of a developing nation-state.
In addition to foreign loan assis- tance, Jamaica expects a great in- crease in foreign investment. "State Department and business sources said that the aluminum companies, which had cut back their activities in Jamaica under the Manley gov- ernment, are thinking about major expansion programs. The sources said there has also been interest in tourism, agriculture and manufac- turing."22
The International Monetary Fund is theoretically an international lending agency which is suppose to base its approval of short-term loans on the economic condition of a reci- pient nation-state. However, as ex- emplified by the Jamaican case, the IMF (which is controlled by the ma- jority voting power of industrialized states) bases the amount of assis- tance it will provide and the terms of aid on basically political factors, which shape international affairs.
Since its independence Jamaica's economy has been stiffled by multi- national corporations, foreign in- vestors and external debts to inter- national lending institutions such as the International Monetary Fund. Presently under the leadership of Prime Minister Edward Seaga, Ja- maica is establishing an economy which will function under hegemo- nial conditions. Yet, through effec- tive coordination, regional and com- mon markets could play a vital role in Jamaica's economy by providing an adequate agricultural base, by exporting natural resources at high prices and by creating banks for assistance purposes. As former Prime Minister Manley recognized, poor developing countries such as Jamaica must aspire to become as economically and politically inde- pendent as possible.
END NOTES
1. Wendell Bell, "Independent Jamaica En- ters World Politics; Foreign Policy in a New State," Political Science Quarterly, Winter 1978, p. 686.
2. Wendell Bell, p. 686.
54
3. Nyamayaro K. Mufuka, "The Jamaican Experiment," Current History, Fall 1978, p. 70.
4. Wendell Bell, p. 695.
5. Michael Manley, The Politics of Change, Great Britain: Tonbridge Printers Ltd. 1974, p. 135.
6. Michael Manley, p. 128.
7. Michael Manley, p. 128.
8. Wendell Bell, p. 697.
9. Wendell Bell, p. 698.
10. Wendell Bell, p. 703.
11. Editorial, "The Jamaican Dilemma," Washington Post, October 21, 1980, p. 18.
12. Cheryl Payer, The Debt Trap, p. 38. 13.
14. Cheryl Payer, p. 33.
15. Cheryl Payer, p. 38
16. Hobart Rowen, "IMF Ready to Help Jamaican Government," Washington Post, November 5, 1980, p. 7.
17. Patrick Smith, "Jamaica Sets Plans to Refinance Debt," New York Times, June 5, 1980, p. 4
18. Reuter, "New Jamaican Prime Minister Ask Cuba to Withdraw Envoy," Wash- ington Post, November 2, 1980, p. 24.
19. Warren Brown, "Siega Says Time Is Right For Change In U.S. View of Caribbean Nations," Washington Post, November 24, 1980, p. 15.
20. Christopher Dickey, "New Jamaican Leader Seeks to Put 'Humpty Dumpty' Society Together," p. 16.
21. Terri Shaw, "New Jamaican Leader's Stance Opens Doors to U.S., Western Aid," Washington Post, April , 1980, p. 21.
22. Terri Shaw, p. 21.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Bell, Wendell. "Independent Jamaica En- ters World Politics: Foreign Policy in a New State," Political Science Quarterly, Winter 1978.
2. Brown, Warren, "Siega Says Time is Ripe for Change in U.S. View of Caribbean Na- tions," Washington Post, November 24, 1980.
3. Dickey, Christopher. "New Jamaican Leader Seeks to Put 'Humpty Dumpty' Society Together," Washington Post, November 1, 1980.
4. Cline, W. R. International Monetary Reform and the Developing Countries. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institu- tion, 1976.
5. Girling, R. K. "Technology and Depend- ent development in Jamaica." Social and Economic Studies, June 1977.
6. Manley, Michael. The Politics of Change. Great Britain: Tonbridge Printers Ltd. 1974.
7. Mufuka, Nyamayaro K. "The Jamaican Experiment," Current History, Fall 1978.
8. Rattray, Alfred A. "A Reply from Jamaica," Wall St. Journal, January 1976.
9. Reuter. "New Jamaica Prime Minister Ask Cuba to Withdraw Envoy," Washington Post, November 1980.
10. James, Howe and J. W. Sewell, The United States and World Development, Agenda 1975. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1975.
11. Rowen, Hobart. "IMF Ready to Help Jamaican Government," Washington Post, November 1980.
12. Shaw, Terri. "New Jamaican Leader's Stance Opens Doors to U.S., Western Aid," Washington Post, April 1980.
13. Smith, Patrick. "Jamaica Sets Plans to Refinance Debt," New York Times, June 1980.
14. Young, Andrew. "In Jamaica They Say 'No problem,' New York Times, January 1980.
15. "Is Michael Manley a Saint or a Sinner?" Euromoney, August 1979.
Year on Civility . . .
continued from page 50
strife and indifference throughout its' home state and region. The Con- vocation that officially began the "Year Toward Civility" effort was attended by 350 people predomin- antly staff and faculty. The principle address was made by the UMass President Knapp followed by Chan- cellor Koffler and the Speaker of the Student Senate; Ed Lee and Asso- ciate Provost; Johnetta Cole. It was Ed Lee's speech that aroused some attention because he challenged not the students, but the faculty and ad- ministrators to make the effort real that were not involved. Their time to demonstrate it came quickly.
On the morning of October 8th 1981, twelve days after the official opening of the "Year Toward Civili- ty." leaflets appeared across cam- pus calling for a rally. It was to be held in front of the Student Union Building to join a group calling itself U.T.O.P.I.A. They called the rally of students to "clean up America" and listed a number of ways to do it. Some of the more outrageous state- ments were: "support South Africa," "Promote White Supre- macy," "Send radioactive wastes oversees," and tell all domestic gooks, complaining nigers, etc. to fuck off and go home!"; and of course, "send Iranians home!" The misspelled derogatory regarding Blacks was of course these imbe- ciles' doing. They of course were in- telligent enough or cowardly enough not to show up to face the 300 people who came to lay their lu- nacy to rest. They began instead, sending death threats that stimu- lated others to do the same to most Black female students. We also re- ceived profiles of the Imperial Im- becile of the ku klux klan; Bill Wil- kinson and letters from a group call- ing themselves the Philosophical Atheist. The latter group maintained that "niggers religion degrades the labor movement, niggers must learn atheism." They however, spelled nigger correctly.
Nothing from the Civility Com-
mission or members was heard re- garding the barrage of death threats and assaults except a 3 x 4 unsigned note from the Chancellor that he was rumored to have not even wrote. The Civility Commission re- mained to this day silent on the racist occurrences. The Coordinat- ing Committee for the "Year Toward Civility" remained the only body to issue a formal statement and that fact reflects the pattern of contradictions and commitment to "Civility."
"Civility" was a gross contradic- tion because not only had the Com- mission not issued any statements, but they failed to even inquire about the incidences. The very charge of the Commission demanded it, yet they remained silent amid the din of racial strife and fear. In every pro- nouncment describing the Commis- sion there were the elements of its charge: one, "identification of in- cidents of racism, sexism, anti-se- mitism, or other derogatory atti- tudes;" two, "continuing assess- ment of the moral climate on the campus;" three, "the formulation of public statements which . . . the University community will see fit to endorse, opposing such antisocial attitudes and actions;" and fourth, "recommendations of appropriate actions to improve attitudes and en- hance a climate of decency on this campus." It appeared that the Chair of the Commission; Vincent Dethier of the Zoology Department who had eyes to see was struck blind. The Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs Dennis Madson was made dumb and could not speak either. The Commission, the Administration and the faculty all remained silent. The Commission was their idea, yet, when the real world came to call they weren't home.
The Commission had a charge and it seemed their battery ran dead. There was no light for them to iden- tify the incivility of the U.T.O.P.I.A. incidents. They lacked the ability to assess the moral climate that laid covered by the carrion of racist ac- tivities. Their tongue was caught in an epileptic seizure rendering them incapable of issuing public state- ments against the antisocial ele- ments rising. It made the irony of a Zoology professor heading a com- mission against a "Zoo Mass" image seem a pathetically crude joke.
continued on page 58
55
A BETTER CHANCE
Standing: Wallace McCloud, Daniel Martinez, Robin Kosah, Jose' Penalvert, Jimmy Rodriguez, Mitchell Smith, Akia Smith, George Counts, and Barbara Roche. Kneeling: Curtis Roach, San- ford Livingston, Kevin Nicholson, Timothy Thomas, Kent Woolridge, and Jennifer Serge. Miss- ing: Alberto Villaman, and Luz Smith.
by Kent Woolridge
A Better Chance, known now as A. B.C., had its origins in a group of private schools meeting together in 1963 to form a coalition known then as Independent School Talent Search (ISTS). Its purpose was to find minority students who had aca- demic gifts and to ensure that such students would have an opportunity to use them in a better academic en- vironment. In the same time period the faculty and staff at Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, started an experimental eight-week pro- gram held during the summer for disadvantaged and minority youth to help them with academic skills. Thus the group A. B.C. was born. By 1967 about 1,400 students had been enrolled in private schools after completing the Dartmouth Summer Program.
In 1966 the A.B.C. and ISTS thought of extending this concept to the Public School System. Hanover, New Hampshire, was the first high school in the program. By 1972 with a total of twenty- two programs, A.B.C.-ISTS merged with the Public School Program.
While the public high school pro- gram stayed in Hanover, A.B.C.'s office relocated in Boston. Despite problems such as funding and some towns resisting the idea, the pro- gram has survived and the number of programs reached thirty-three in 1974.
Unfortunately, money problems increased locally and nationally due
to the recession and the declining in- terest in social problems that seemed to be prevalent in the mid 1970's.
Due to these conditions, the em- phasis was on maintaining existing programs. At the present time there are twenty-seven programs that are active. Some of the schools in the New England area are New Cannan and Madison, Connecticut; Han- over, Longmeadow and Wellesley, Massachusetts.
This program has much to offer youngsters who are in the minority or disadvantaged category. These are students who would otherwise remain in sub-standard public schools that do not expect much from disadvantaged youths or who could not be individually guided by those teachers who do care and who want to help gifted youth but can't because of various factors of time, finances and the volume of stu- dents.
For a student to be eligible for par- ticipation in A.B.C, he or she must be in the top ten percent of his or her class. The student must main- tain a grade point average of 85 and have a high degree of personal moti- vation and adaptability. Factors such as economic hardship and lim- ited educational opportunities also play a part in the selection process.
A.B.C. maintains progress and follow-up reports on the students. Volunteers, many of whom have gone through the A.B.C. Program themselves, recruit students in targeted areas in order to place them
in the most suitable school possible. Most students need financial aid that are obtainable through A.B.C, which in turn makes a portion of the payments to the member schools, some parents assume cost, also some aid is available from the mem- ber schools.
Funding for this program is pri- marily gotten through grants, foun- dations and corporations, and lim- ited government sources, as well as individual contributions. A.B.C. Program in Amherst:
Presently living at the house lo- cated at 72 Prospect Street, are ten young men coming from the New York and New Jersey area. They are enrolled at Amherst Regional High School, selected because of its repu- tation of maintaining high academic standards.
There are two live-in tutors, Robin Kosah and Barbara Roche that give the students academic assistance where needed. The Resi- dent Director, Mitchell Smith, has the responsibility of seeing that the ten students receive proper direc- tion in areas of academic guidance and are provided programs of cultural interests. He is somewhat of a father figure, along with his wife, Luz, providing a mother role, in a home atmosphere.
The Smiths have a beautiful one year old daughter named Aika. It is like one big family at the House, for minority youth coming from miles away to live and go to school in Amherst, an environment quite un- like those they have left. What an experience it must be, coming to a new place and entering a more challenging school setting which in effect broadens horizons. These students come to learn about peo- ple who live differently from themselves and they in turn, are able to share some of their ex- periences. This provides quite an opportunity at such a young age. It intensifies their experiences not only academically, but more impor- tantly, it prepares the young men to be socially healthy which is re- quired to cope with the society we live in today.
When these students graduate they will have obtained the proper tools to go on to college and, even- tually, into their desired careers. Many alumni of the program have done so already. So you see this idea of "A Better Chance" really works!
56
INTERVIEW WITH JIMMY CLIFF
Drum: Did you predict that the movie (The Harder They Come) you acted in was going to be as successful as it was? Cliff: I wanted to think positively. I expected the movie to be a suc- cess, but I expected it to be a big- ger success. I guess the success came from the reactions of the people.
Drum: Was the movie received well in Jamaica?
Cliff: It was the biggest movie in Jamaica ever. There is a cinema in Kingston, and they have a lot of iron rails around it for security pur- poes. The day after the opening, all the rails were flat and smashed out completely because the people were rushing to get in. Drum: Do you plan on making anymore movies in the near future? Cliff: Well, we have been working on one called "Bongo Man". It is not yet completed, but the one after "Bongo Man" will be called "African Ambassador". Drum: Was "Bongo Man" filmed in Jamaica?
Cliff: Well, it was filmed in Jamaica, South Africa and Germany. Drum: What is the "African Ambas- sador" all about?
Cliff: The movie is about an African man in the Carribean with the mis- sion of oneness and a vision of go- ing back to this own land, Africa. You actually see this happening be- cause he does return. You see the oneness happening because we went to South Africa last year. We created a oneness there which the regime allowed. They allowed a lot of things which they don't usually allow. (Since we have left South Africa the situation has become more tense and it has to stop.) After we left the students began to riot. (From that time we lit a fire.) When we go back we will return to celebrate a victory. Drum: Could you speak briefly on your song writing career in Jamaica and when it began? Cliff: I was writing in school. The
first song I wrote was called "Back to Africa". I didn't have any knowl- edge of Marcus Garvey or anyone. That was just my spirit of writing to connect with my roots. I went to Kingston, which is the capital, where you can get your song re- corded. The people didn't like it. So, I wrote love songs and they began to like that. Then, I left the country with about four love songs that I started writing. When I re- turned to Kingston I wrote more songs. I was always writing. Drum: I've gathered that you had some problems with the record company, and the money they wanted to offer you for your first song?
Cliff: When I went to get my first song recorded, the producer of- fered me a shilling. A shilling is equivalent to 20<t in America, but I refused it and went on my way. The second song I recorded I got 15 lbs. for it. At that time in Ja- maica, we didn't know about the copyrights laws. All we did was to record the songs for the producer and he would give you money. You did not know about royalties or anything like that. (Now, all that is changing, since the move of the act came out, you find a lot of musician and artist doing their own thing.) In that way it can be con- trolled more. The movie we made recently has helped to enlighten
photo by Edward Cohen
some of the singers and players